Subject: Re: New Edition of "The Annotated Pink Swastika" Date: Sat, 9 Aug 1997 15:34:39 -0700 (PDT) THE ANNOTATED PINK SWASTIKA Citizens Allied for Civic Action (CAFCA) PO Box 93009 Milwaukee, WI 53203 e-mail: algeier@omnifest.uwm.edu Copyright 1996, 1997 All rights to reproduce the annotations and comments in this study are reserved by CAFCA except that permission is granted to circulate this file electronically, in its entirety without changes, and to quote extensively from it as long as due credit is given to its origin.. This file is available as a MS-Word document (Windows 95), APS_V03.doc. TYPE FONTS: The MS-Word version uses AGaramond type (Adobe) for comments and Courier New (TrueType) for the original text. This makes it easy to distinguish the original from the comments. For those who don't have the proper fonts, the appearance might be different. Even without the proper fonts, the comments are still distinguishable since they are set off from the text as indicated below. ASCII VERSION: The ASCII plain text version, of course, loses the font differences, as well as the various bold, italic, underline, and other modifications. Indentation might also vary from the original depending on how the reader's program handles tabulation. NOTES: This text preserves the pagination and lining of the original. Figure captions are retained, sometimes with a brief description of the picture. Errors in the original, spelling, grammar, etc., are marked {sic}. Notes added to the original text are in braces {}. Refutations and other annotations are set off in separate sections throughout the text as the following example shows: *** {start comment 180-1} Annotation text. *** {end comment 180-1} where 180 = page number, -1 = first comment on that page. * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * IMPORTANT NOTE: At this time The Pink Swastika has been mostly but not completely researched, due to the difficulty in obtaining some of the sources, for example those that are propaganda pamphlets that libraries don't usually carry. Undoubtedly there are more errors, misstatements, and outright lies than those listed in these notes. The first release was issued when one of the authors of The Pink Swastika was touring the United States and presenting his propaganda to Religious Right groups, who are using it in their own propaganda. There seemed to be a need to supply some material that could be used in refuting the book then. This latest edition has added considerable material, and will probably be the last. So many errors are already listed that the purpose has been well served without the great effort that would be needed to locate the final source books for complete checking of all citations. Little would be added relative to the list of errors already found here. The reader should give the author of The Pink Swastika the benefit of the doubt, and assume any typographical errors not noted by "{sic}" were probably not in the original text of the book. It cannot be emphasized enough that this debunking of The Pink Swastika is incomplete. Those discussing points in the book that have not yet been researched should mention that this work is not yet complete, and the fact that something is not criticized doesn't mean it is accepted as true. The numerous errors and misstatements in the parts of the book that have been researched raise suspicions on everything written in it. * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * P R E F A CE The Pink Swastika belongs to the Crypto History genre. It claims to reveal connections of people and groups explaining the course of events that have been neglected by or even covered up by establishment historians. A modern and related example is The New World Order written by Pat Robertson, televangelist, Republican Presidential contender, and founder of the Christian Coalition. Whereas Robertson's book attempts to show that modern government institutions such as the Federal Reserve Board arise from a conspiracy of occult Satanists and "International Bankers," The Pink Swastika attempts to show that Hitler's Nazism and the Jewish Holocaust are the work of homosexuals, and that the Nazi work is being continued by homosexuals in the United States. In both cases it is necessary for the author to establish linkages. The linkage process tends to be tortuous, and Robertson tries to link the Federal Reserve to conspiratorial Satanists by speculating on a chain involving Cecil Rhodes, the Freemasons, and the Rothschilds. The Pink Swastika has to include so many different "links" in some of its "chains" that the reader who does not soon lose interest is sure to be confused. While Robertson wants to show that the Federal Reserve's mission is to weaken America economically so that a one world government will be accepted in preparation for the rule of the Anti-Christ, The Pink Swastika wants to show that homosexuals were responsible for Hitler's rise to power, the slaughter of 6 million Jews, and the modern neo-Nazi movement in America. The main technique used is selective quoting from respectable authors and extensive quoting from disreputable ones. Samuel Igra is an example of an author whose work cannot be trusted in any part, and for that reason it can be difficult to locate the book he wrote. Igra is quoted extensively. Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke is a genuine scholar, and his work is quoted selectively. There are instances where context in Goodrick-Clarke contradicts what The Pink Swastika wishes to demonstrate, so that portion of his work is ignored, a quote being selected from a less reliable author because it fits better the homophobic thesis. The same may be said of many other sources used for The Pink Swastika. The worst feature of this sort of writing, as Goodrick- Clarke notes at the end of his book, is the manufacture of sources -- "...inaccuracies and wild claims were repeated by each newcomer to the genre until abundant literature existed...." One author writes a book that includes mere rumor or even outright fabrication, and the next author is able to use it as a citation, giving an unmerited cloak of scholarship to his work. The Pink Swastika is full of rumors about homosexuality of various persons. A man's wife and children mean nothing if some disreputable past author can be cited as a source for an allegation of homosexuality. That Hermann Goering liked exotic clothes and improved the appearance of his face with makeup is sufficient to brand him homosexual, despite his undoubted devotion to both his wives and his daughter. Rudolph Hess is not saved by his wife and children, nor is Hans Frank. Herschel Grynszpan, the Jewish youth who shot Ernst vom Rath in Paris in 1938, giving the Nazis an excuse for the "Crystal Night" anti- Jewish pogrom, is painted as a homosexual prostitute, even though nothing about homosexuality was ever uncovered or mentioned until his defense attorney used it as a successful ploy to postpone indefinitely his trial for murder. Nothing in The Pink Swastika can be believed without checking reliable sources. This study has checked many of the sources, particularly for the connection with Hitler and the Nazis, but by no means all. The portions which have not been refuted should not be assumed to be accurate just because no notes have been attached. With that word of caution, The Pink Swastika begins on Page Title-1.... ***{Below is Page: Title-1}*** The Pink Swastika Homosexuality in the Nazi Party Scott Lively Kevin Abrams Founders Publishing Corporation ***{Below is Page: Title-2}*** Published by Founders Publishing Corporation. Box 20307, Keizer, Oregon 97307 Published July 1995. Printed in the United States of America Copyright 1995 by Lively Communications Inc. and Kevin E. Abrams All rights reserved. Information about ordering copies of this may be found on the last page. hook Cover Design by Al Mendenhall First Edition 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 ISBN 0-9647609-0-8 ***{Below is Page: I }*** Contents A Note to the Reader iii Preface: Kevin E. Abrams iv Introduction: Scott Lively ix Acknowledgments xv One: The Homosexual Roots of the Nazi Party 1 The Divided Movement 6 Karl Heinrich Ulrichs 9 Magnus Hirshfeld and the SHC 12 The New Hellenes 15 Adolf Brand and the Community of the Special 19 The Rift Widens 24 The Wandervogel 27 Gerhard Rossbach and the Freikorps Movement 35 Ernst Roehm and the Development of the SA 39 Two: Homo-occultism 46 Madame Blavatsky and the Theosophical Society 51 Guido von List and the Armanen Order 54 Jorg Lanz von Liebenfels and Ariosophy 56 The Thule Society 60 Three: The Homosexual Roots of Fascism 65 Frederich {sic} Nietzsche 68 The Cultural Elites 70 Four: The Founding and Early Years of the Nazi Party 77 Hitler's Pederast Clique 79 Was Adolf Hitler a Homosexual? 82 ***{Below is Page: ii }*** The Nazi Rise to Power 86 A Change of Strategy 86 Five: The Persecution of Homosexuals 94 Anti-homosexual Policies 95 The Sacking of the Sex Research Institute 99 The Roehm Purge 102 After the Purge 110 Heinrich Himmler and the SS 111 Reinhard Heydrich: "The Blonde Beast" 115 The Grynszpan Affair -- Kristallnacht 118 Six: Homosexuality in the Concentration Camps 123 The Guards and Kapos 126 The Prisoners 131 The Final Solution 133 Seven: America Nazis 143 The Fascist Roots of American "Gay-Rights" 148 Harry Hay and the Mattachine Society 149 The Stonewall Riot 151 The Pederasts 154 The Boy Scouts 160 Weimar in America 163 The Kinsey Connection 166 The Cauldron Begins to Boil 169 Atrocities 174 The Big Picture 177 Bibliography 200 Ordering Information 205 ***{Below is Page: iii }*** A Note to the Reader Two terms used frequently in this book, 'homosexualist' and "pederast,' will be unfamiliar to many readers. We use the term homosexualist to refer to any person, homosexual or not, who actively promotes homosexuality as morally and socially equivalent to heterosexuality as a basis for social policy. In our view Harry Hay, founder of the American gay-rights movement, and President Bill Clinton who attempted to force the military to accept open homosexuals, are both homosexualists. Each has worked in his own way to legitimize homosexual behavior in America. Many heterosexual people are homosexualists. Many self-described homosexual people are not homosexu- alists. A homosexualist is defined by his actions in a socio-political context. This definition is different from Samuel Igra's use of the term in Germany's National Vice, which we have quoted extensively. Igra uses "homosexualist" to mean homosexuals only. A pederast is defined as a physically mature man who engages in or desires to engage in sex with boys around the age of puberty, as opposed to a pedophile, who targets both male and female prepubescent children and/or pubertal girls. (Pederast derives from the Greek paed, meaning boy, and erastis, meaning lover). Self-defined "boy-lovers" who have formed "children's rights" organizations such as the North American Man/Boy Love Association (NAMBLA) in this country, and who formed the Gemeinschaft der Eigenen in Germany, generally seem to focus their sexual attentions on boys roughly between the ages of 8 and 18 years, with an apparent preference for boys about 12 years old. Some sources quoted in this study use the terms "pederast" and "pedophile" interchangeably. We hope to reestablish the dis- tinction between these terms (dubious as it may be) to facilitate a deeper understanding of homosexual pathology and the varieties of its expression. English translation of German words using the umlaut (two dots above ta vowel) result in different spellings of words like Fuehrer and Roehm (Fuhrer and Rohm). In this book we have chosen the form of spelling in which the vowel is followed by a [sic] "e." Spelling of German words varies among the authors we quote. ***{Below is Page: iv }*** B' H {The above stands for a Hebrew invocation. Mr. Abrams is an Orthodox Jew, formerly of Canada, now living in Jerusalem.} Preface Kevin E. Abrams I call heaven and earth to witness against you this day, That I have set before you life and death, the blessing and the curse; Therefore choose life, that you may live, you and your children. Deuteronomy\Devarim: 30:19 The Pink Swastika is not a work of fiction. Ironically, the authors have discovered that truth is often stranger than fiction. The Pink Swastika is a response to the "gay political agenda" and its strategy of portraying homo- sexuals as victims of societal and Nazi persecution. Although some homo- sexuals, and many of those who were framed with trumped-up charges of homosexuality, suffered and died at the hands of the Nazis, for gay apologists to portray themselves as historical victims of Nazi persecution, on par with the Jewish people. is a gross distortion of history perhaps equal to denying the Holocaust itself. The Pink Swastika will show that there was far more brutality, rape, torture and murder committed against innocent people by Nazi deviants and homosexuals than there ever was against homosexuals. Today in the West a new and aggressive homosexualism is making its bid for power. The media, psychiatry, science and academia have all been corrupted and pressed into the service of establishing homosexuality as a normal and acceptable variant of human sexuality. Those who are unwilling to bend to the new dispensation are bludgeoned into submission with slan- derous accusations of intolerance and "homophobia." Our efforts will cer- tainly fail to corroborate the politically correct propaganda offered by much of today's media, academia, psychiatry, various federal agencies, the courts and human rights organizations which are now driven by the new sexual ideology rather than by honest debate and inquiry. Coming in the wake of a successful public campaign conducted over decades, our book will also fly in the face of much of today's popular opinion. This having been said, we believe that The Pink Swastika will show clearly how the world the Nazis attempted to create is a world. not of the past, but of the possible future. It will show that. given its present course and left unchallenged, America could easily become the Nazi Germany of 50 years ago. ***{Below is Page: v }*** It is often said that the lessons of history leave us with a guide for the future. If this be so, then the lessons of the collapse of the democratic Weimar Republic and the social ideologies that preceded its defeat by the Nazis should provide us with insights into America's future. As a practicing member of the Jewish faith, I remain wholly unconvinced that by solely remembering the Holocaust we will prevent another. The ominous parallels between the Weimar Republic of pre-Nazi Germany and today's American republic are simply too pronounced to overlook. This year, 1995, is the 50th anniversary of the end of World War II. It is also the 50th anniversary of Samuel Igra's book, Germany's National Vice, which we quote extensively. Largely purged from public view, Igra's book documents the homoerotic foundations of German militarism. Other books, like Dusty Sklar's 1977 The Nazis and the Occult, document the black occult roots of Nazi ideology. What The Pink Swastika does is to synthesize both the homoerotic and occult foundations of the Nazi regime. It must be clari- fied -- the Nazis were not Right Wing Conservative Creationists, they were Left Wing Darwinian Evolutionary Socialists. As a principle, an increase in pederasty and homosexualism parallels a militaristic Hellenic revival. His- tory discloses that the most warlike nations are those whose male leaders were the most addicted to sexual relations with young boys. *** {start comment v-1} The author presumably refers to the ancient Greek custom of pederasty. That did not involve "young boys." Those involved were teenagers up to the age of 18 years. If anything, they were "old" boys. The elder partners in those relationships were heterosexual men between the ages of 18 and 30, the usual age for marriage among the Greeks. Greek pederasty was entirely a heterosexual phenomenon, and involved three stages: 1. acting as the passive partner while a teenager, 2. Acting as the active partner while in one's twenties, 3. marrying a woman and starting a heterosexual family at about age 30. But it must also be questioned whether Greece was "the most warlike" of nations. Surely Rome outdid Greece militarily, and Rome never practiced pederasty. Even the very few Nazis who practiced homosexuality did not choose young boys. One could go on to mention Great Britain, France, Spain, Portugal, Poland, Russia, Turkey, Arabia, Persia, India, Japan, China, and many other countries that have conquered large territories and maintained empires for long periods of time by use of military power who had nothing whatever to do with homosexuality The author's remark is a gross exaggeration. *** {end comment v-1} The political agenda which has as its focus a plan to legalize and coerce a bewildered and unsuspecting public into accepting or regarding sodomy as normal or dignified, is based on falsehood, self-deception and skewed scien- tific research. In light of the medical record, history and the fact that sodomy represents a corruption of the natural and moral orders of creation, any posi- tive affirmation of homosexuality is totally without merit. Human sexuality is never merely a physical concern, nor is it a purely private matter. It always has social implications. What goes on between partners influences society as a whole. In sexual matters, the issue is. "what is advocated and what is practiced publicly" far more than what happens privately. In a letter to the editor of the Toronto, Ontario, Globe and Mail newspa- per, February 26, 1992, Dr. Joseph Bergen Assistant Professor of Psychiatry, University of Toronto, writes, "in my 20 years of psychiatry I have never come across anyone with innate homosexuality. That notion has been a long proclaimed gay-activist political position, intended to promote the accep- tance of homosexuality as a healthy, fully equal alternative expression of human sexuality. It has zero scientific foundation, though its promoters latch on to even the flimsiest shreds of atrocious research in their attempts to jus- tify the notion." As they were during the Weimar period, 1918-1933, psychiatry and academia have been hijacked and pressed into the service of establishing homosexualism as the basis of a new Kultur. Professor Hans Blueher, a ***{Below is Page: vi }*** practicing physician whose specialty was psychiatry, was accepted by the Nazis as the apostle and higher authority of a new social order. Blueher's school held that male homosexual lovemaking is in itself a good thing and spiritually energizing. Blueher's teaching became popular in Nazi circles during the period between the two World Wars and promoted the idea that a well-regulated ritual of homosexualism was a unique force capable of creat- ing the State and assuring its leadership. The resulting creed relegated women to a purely biological function and eliminated the family as a constituent cell in the community. In 1973 the American Pyschiatric {sic} Association was also hijacked by American "gay" activists. Basing its decision largely on the skewed evi- dense of the 1948 Kinsey report Sexual Behavior in the Human Male, the APA removed homosexuality from its Diagnostic and Statistics Manual and declared it a normal variant of human sexuality. Homosexuals sensing that the burden of change had been lifted from them and shifted onto society were able to present themselves as innocent victims of what they referred to as society's bigoted and "homophobic" attitude towards them as human be- ings. *** {start comment vi-1} This is a gross misstatement of the facts of the APA decision. Ronald Bayer told the story of the decision in his 1981 book Homosexuality and American Psychiatry. That will be discussed at length in a later comment. The only input from the Kinsey Institute was Wardell Pomeroy's testimony that psychiatric opinion of homosexuality at the time was based on observation of patients in treatment, and had no knowledge of homosexuals leading normal lives. The scientific data most impressing the APA were gathered by Dr. Evelyn Hooker and other psychologists having nothing to do with Kinsey. The major influence on the APA, however, was not data but its experience in meeting actual homosexuals, including a large group of homosexual psychiatrists. These new data and these people simply did not fit the classification of "sick," indicating something was not quite right in the APA's old classification, so the organization changed it. *** {end comment vi-1} Columnist Charles Krauthammer in "Defining Deviancy Up" an essay published in the November 22, 1993 edition {sic} of The New Republic (pages 20ff.) in describing the real effect of the APA decision, stated that a majority of society was made deviant while homosexuality was elevated to the status of normal. Krauthammer writes, "as part of the vast social project of moral leveling, it is not enough for the deviant to be normalized. The normal must be found to be deviant." In fact the greatest single victory of the "gay" agenda over the past decade has been to shift the debate from behavior to identity, thus forcing opponents into a position where they are seen as attacking the civil rights of homosexual citizens rather than attacking specific antisocial behavior. In an interesting and informative study, a critical analysis titled "Sexual Politics and Scientific Logic: the Issue of Homosexuality," by Dr. Charles Socarides (published in the Winter, 1992 edition of The Journal of Psychohistory, Vol. 10, No.3:317), Socarides quotes the warning of Abram Kardiner, psychoanalyst, former Professor of Psychiatry at Columbia Uni- versity, 1966 recipient of the Humanities Prize of The New York Times: "there is an epidemic form of homosexuality, which is more than the usual inci- dense, which generally occurs in social crises or in declining cultures when license and boundless permissiveness dulls the pain of ceaseless anxiety, uni- versal hostility and divisiveness... Supporting the claims of homosexuals and regarding homosexuality as a normal variant of sexual activity is to deny the social significance of homosexuality... Above all it mitigates against the fam- ily and destroys the function of the latter as the last place in our society where ***{Below is Page: vii }*** affectivity can be cultivated... Homosexuality operates against the cohesive elements in society in the name of fictitious freedom. It drives the opposite sex in a similar direction. And no society can long endure when either the child is neglected or when the sexes war upon each other." *** {start comment vii-1} It is rather interesting to note that Nazi science regarded homosexuals in the same category as Jews, in that both were considered threats to the state and society. The above language could almost have been copied from Nazi "scientific" literature on racial hygiene talking about the threat Jews posed to society. It's appropriate to mention that Dr. Socarides has a homosexual son who is an activist working for civil rights protection for homosexuals. Finally, it must be said that psychoanalysts such as Dr. Socarides have been in the forefront of trying to keep homosexuality a disease. Psychoanalysis, under much attack by other psychiatrists and psychologists in the 1980s and 1990s, is based on a number of elaborate theories of human sexual development. If homosexuality were accepted as a normal variety of human behavior, the theories of the psychoanalysts would be declared to be in error, and their body of scientific work and, indeed, their very livelihoods would be in jeopardy. *** {end comment vii-1} Victim-plunder ideology is at the core of "gay" political strategy. Homosexualists exploit the public status of homosexuals to impose their new definition of human sexuality upon society. "Victim ideology" and "reduc- tionist" thinking is destroying America from within. Today's new victims see no reason to modify their own behavior. Victim psychology and philoso- phies undermine the legitimate workings of government and the justice, health and social systems. Like their Nazi predecessors, today's homosexualists lack any scruples. Homosexuality is primarily a predatory addiction striving to take the weak and unsuspecting down with it. The "gay" agenda is a colossal fraud; a gigantic robbery of the mind. Homosexuals of the type described in this book have no true idea of how to act in the best interests of their country and fellow man. Their intention is to serve none but them- selves. The Pink Swastika documents a hidden aspect of German history. The authors contend that homosexualism, elevated to a popular ideology and combined with black occult forces, not only gave birth to Nazi imperialism but also led to the Holocaust itself. The militarists in Germany were happy with Hitler. His teachings on "total war" and of a secret Jewish conspiracy against Germany provided a good screen for their own veiled preparations. From its very inception, it was the goal of the Nazi Party, working as a front for the German military industrial complex, to overthrow the Weimar Re- public by whatever means necessary. The Pink Swastika documents how, from its beginning, the National Socialist revolution and the Nazi Party were animated and dominated by militaristic homosexuals, pederasts, pornogra- phers and sado-masochists. As Igra explains in Germany's National Vice, "the criminals who wreaked such astounding horrors on innocent civilian populations were not acting as soldiers drunk with the fury of battle, nor as patriotic fanatics, but as chosen instruments of a satanic religion to the service of which they had been dedi- cated by the systematic teaching and practice of unnatural vice" (Igra:94). The Pink Swastika documents how the Society for Human Rights, founded by members of the Nazi Party, became the largest homosexual rights organi- zation in Germany and further, how this movement gave birth to the Ameri- can homosexual rights movement. Its influence has grown. The President of the United States now receives official homosexual delegations at the White House who expect the President to repay them for helping him into office. They expected him to "normalize" homosexuality in the American military. As for the comparison made between homoeroticism and skin color, General ***{Below is Page: viii }*** Colin Powell, former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, had this to say in a letter to Rep. Patricia Schroeder (D-Colorado), "skin color is a benign non-behavioral characteristic. Sexual orientation is perhaps the most pro- found of all human behavioral characteristics. Comparison of the two is a convenient hut invalid argument' (Salem, Oregon Statesman Journal, June 6,1992). American civilization rests on the basic principles of Christian morality, which have their origin in the Hebrew Scriptures. The reason why the Nazis first attacked the Jewish people and swore to exterminate them physically and spiritually is because the teachings of the Bible, both the Torah and the New Testament, represent the foundations on which the whole system of Christian ethics rests. Remove the Bible as the constellation that guides the American Ship of State and the whole edifice of American civilization col- lapses. For my Jewish brethren searching for a Biblical basis for the legitimization of homosexuality, I refer to the words of Rabbis Marc Angel, Hillel Goldberg and Pinchas Stopler and their joint article in the Winter, 1992-93 edition of Jewish Action Magazine, "there is not a single source in all of the disciplines of Jewish sacred literature -- halachah, aggadah, phi- losophy, muscar, mysticism -- that tolerates homosexual acts or a homosexual orientation. Jews who sanction homosexuality must do so wholly without reference to Jewish sacred literature, in which case their justification has no Jewish standing; or without reference to Jewish sources, in which case they act with ignorance or intellectual dishonesty. The idea, set forth by some of the non-Orthodox leadership, that the Torah prohibited only coercive and non-loving same-sex relationships, thus allowing for a contemporary, volun- tary and loving same-sex relationship, is wholly without basis in a single piece of Jewish sacred literature written in the last 3,000 years. Dennis Prager, a respected Jewish radio talk show host commented, "there were two kinds of Jews in Auschwitz, those who knew why they were there and those who thought it was just bad luck." Today Jews have assimi- lated ideas foreign to the Jewish perspective and many liberal, secular Ameri- can Jews, in adopting a tolerance for everything, stand for nothing. As the living, we owe a moral debt to that generation of Jews who were subjected to such inhumane and sadistic torture and extermination. The underlying causes of Nazi militarism are documented in The Pink Swastika. The Holocaust must be remembered for what it was, a war against the Jewish people and western civilization. MAY GOD BLESS AMERICA Kevin E. Abrams, Jerusalem, Israel June 5, 1995 *** {start comment viii-1} It should be noted that Mr. Abrams was Canadian before he moved to Jerusalem. As of 1996, his E-mail address in Jerusalem was no longer valid. It was said that the service which provided his access to Internet closed his account after complaints that he was posting inappropriate material to various Usenet news groups. *** {end comment viii-1} ***{Below is Page: ix }*** Introduction Scott Lively I came to be interested in this compelling and sobering topic by a route familiar to many in our society today -- that of the "~victim." I did not seek this status, nor did I exploit or claim it, yet for many months I and others experienced what it was like to be on the receiving end of a full-scale, no- holds-barred liberal establishment assault, in a state where the liberal estab- lishment reigns supreme. The occasion of the uproar was a series of initia- tive campaigns aimed at preventing local and state-level legislation granting "minority status" based on homosexuality. The details of the initiatives and about the Oregon Citizens Alliance, the grassroots organization which spon- sored them, would fill at least one book by themselves. But the long and the short of what led me to this book and its topic was the astonishing tone of the rhetoric which is routinely leveled by post-60's liberals at people who pub- licly dissent from their canon. Amidst this rhetoric, the favorite names and metaphors were nearly all drawn from Hitler's Germany. Leaders and even petition-carriers on our campaign were characterized as every kind of Nazi, fascist, racist, hate-monger and Aryan supremacist. Bricks wrapped in swas- tika-emblazoned paper were hurled through the windows of businesses who had contributed to our campaign. Always, the Nazi rhetoric was loudest and most extreme among the homosexual activists and their closest political al- lies (Governor Barbara Roberts, a long time homosexualist, characterized the ballot measure as "almost like Nazi Germany" (The Oregonian, August 26, l992:Al4)). Some of the worst abuse came from homosexualists in the media. Dur- ing the 1992 election cycle I was contacted by an assistant producer for the CBS news-magazine show ~48 Hours," who wanted permission to feature OCA in a segment about "how mainstream Americans were responding to extremism in the gay-rights movement." Being familiar with media bias on the issue of homosexuality, I was very suspicious and insisted on personal assurance from the producer that this was indeed the focus of the program. Due to the tone of rhetoric in the local media I specifically demanded and received a promise that OCA would not be characterized as a hate group. Only after repeated assurances over a two or three week period of telephone negotiations did I seek and obtain permission for this project from OCA's chairman, Lon Mabon. I then devoted nearly two weeks of my time assisting ***{Below is Page: x }*** the "48 Hours" film crew, facilitating dozens of hours of interviews and ar- ranging camera locations for filming campaign activities. The program aired on February 26, 1992. In the late afternoon I re- ceived a call from a friend in Massachusetts, where the program had just aired three hours ahead of our West Coast television programming schedule. "Watch out," she said, "they stabbed you in the back." Sure enough, the program was called "48 Hours on Hate Street" and featured a rogue's gallery of hate groups, including neo-Nazis and violent white supremacists. The segment on OCA was sandwiched between two such groups. In the local news program following "48 Hours," KOIN, the CBS affiliate in Portland, juxtaposed a report about OCA and a piece which included classic Nazi file footage and anti-Nazi polemics. Approximately two weeks later another television station in Eugene, KEZI-TV, included Nazi file footage in a news story about OCA (they later apologized). Newspapers across the state fre- quently editorialized against OCA, using the terms "Nazi," "KKK," "bigot," and "hate" liberally. I had known for a long time that it is axiomatic that when name-calling (as opposed to reasonable debate) happens, the names one calls others usu- ally reflect the things one dislikes about oneself. I think it occurred to me that there was something awfully overstated about the Nazi-labeling cam- paign, even before I received a set of carefully-documented notes on promi- nent homosexuals in the Nazi Party, sent by a person who had followed the firestorm of rhetoric brought on by our campaign. In the years since I began augmenting and refining this first set of data, the nation has seen the trivialization of such extreme rhetoric. It is common- place nowadays to hear someone being called, directly or by inference, a "Nazi." Some people have attributed this to the impoverishment of our na- tional discourse, the depletion of our language and powers of intellect, and I would agree. We are certainly losing our literacy, and much of our dignity along with it. Yet there remains the old and valid notion that those who repeatedly, loudly and unreasonably call others a name are often, consciously or not, describing themselves. Though this book is limited to the examination of connections between the Nazi movement and the homosexual and occultist movements, I think that a larger and more chilling theme can be read in its pages. Can it be that the fascination with calling people Nazis is, for the post-60's liberals and others in our society, an outgrowth of a deeper fascination with what the Nazis got away with in their own state? What are the attitudes that underlie the phenomena of the "nanny state," "political correctness," the cynical po- litical promotion of racial and class strife, "dumbing down" the public, the attenuation of parental rights, sterilizing the public environment of Judeo- Christian religious references, and the increasing homogeneity of opinion ***{Below is Page: xi }*** and of news "slant" in the press? In a way, I think that American homo- sexual activists present an almost refreshingly honest View into the nature of these attitudes, compared to the sanctimonious presentations we hear daily from the press and certain special interest groups and political leaders. Let us look for a moment at one of the more bald-faced revelations of the homosexualist's view of, and goals for, American society. In a point-by- point public relations strategy called "~The Overhauling of Straight America," (Guide Magazine, November, 1987) homosexuals Marshall Kirk and Erastes Pill explain their modern makeover of Hitler's "Big Lie." This remarkable piece is a control freak's fantasy, a veritable binge of manipulative, coercive and deceptive words and tactics. It begins, "[t]he first order of business is desensitization of the American public concerning gays... To desensitize the public is to help it view homosexuality with indifference instead of with keen emotion. Ideally, we would have straights register differences in sexual pref- erence the way they register different tastes for ice cream..." (Kirk and Pill:7). This behavior-modification mentality, combined with isolation of "straights" and others as groups or classes who assume the status of de-humanized tar- gets of one sort or another, continues: the masses [emphasis ours] should not he shocked and re- pelled by premature exposure to homosexual behavior itself...the imagery of sex should he downplayed...(ibid.:8) ...open up a gateway into the private world of straights through which a Trojan horse might be passed (ibid.:8) ...gays must be cast as victims in need of protection so that straights will be inclined by reflex to assume the role of protector (ibid.: 8) ...make use of symbols which reduce the mainstream's sense of threat, which lower its guard...(ibid.:8) ...replace the mainstream's self-righteous pride about its homophobia with shame and guilt (ibid.:10). *** {start comment xi-1} It would be interesting to have a librarian try to locate this Guide Magazine-- not to say the publication didn't exist, but its status is certainly questionable. The main objection to its use, however, is that some insignificant writing by unknown authors in a publication of questionable status is claimed by the Pink Swastika authors to represent an "agenda" of a national movement. It is as if one were to take the journal of the Church of the White Aryan Nation and claim that it represented the "agenda" of the conservative religious movement. Mr. Lively would certainly complain about that, yet he does the same thing to his opponents. *** {end comment xi-1} Not so many years ago, all of these statements would have been unbe- lievably offensive to most Americans, even if they contained no reference to homosexuality, precisely because they all advocate coercive tampering with people's most private domain, their thoughts, opinions and beliefs (Kirk and Pill call it "transforming the social values of straight America" -- ibid.:14). Such attempts were thought to be the province of diabolical masterminds in ***{Below is Page: xii }*** sci-fi novels, or of Maoists or the dictators of banana republics. But we have arrived at a time in America in which Kirk and Pill simply add their voices (and the tone of their voices) to the many advocating the forcible or manipu- lative control of people's ideas (for example, "speech codes" on college cam- puses and in newspaper classified advertising policy). The recent political scene has given us glimpses of how some politicians view the public's right to think for itself, most notably, Senator Jay Rockefeller's announcement that he intended to give people "[Clinton's] health care [plan] whether they want it or not" (quoted in The Limbaugh Letter, May, 1995:9). The more of Nazi thinking I have researched, the more I have been reminded that our nation represents the first and greatest successful experi- ment in the opposite direction. At our founding we were the only nation, among many autocratically-governed states, which truly offered and guaran- teed freedom of thought and expression. Our founding fathers attempted to write our inestimably precious freedoms in stone because they foresaw (in- deed, it was going on even then) that there would be an incessant drift back to the power-in-the-bands-of-a-few school of thought. How far have we drifted today, and what does this mean for the behavioral fringe groups of our soci- ety (just as the Nazis were a behavioral fringe group of theirs), who feel compelled to re-shape American hearts and minds to resemble their own? Let us return to Kirk and Pill to look at the mechanics of their strategy for "transforming" the society into what they feel would be a more acceptable form. Here are some of their suggestions: Talk about gays and gayness as loudly and as often as possible... almost any behavior begins to look normal if you are exposed to enough of it...(Kirk and Pill:7) Constant talk builds the impression that public opinion is at least divided on the subject (ibid.:8) the campaign should paint gays as superior pillars of society. Yes, yes, we know -- this trick is so old it creaks (ibid. :9) ...it will be time to get tough with remaining opponents. To be blunt, they must be vilified (ibid.: 10)) ...we intend to make the anti-gays look so nasty that aver- age Americans will want to dissociate themselves from such types (ibid.: 10) ***{Below is Page: xiii }*** Each sign will tap patriotic sentiment, each message will drill a seemingly agreeable proposition into mainstream heads (ibid.:ll) The public should be shown images of ranting homophobes whose secondary traits and beliefs disgust middle America... the Ku Klux Klan demanding that gays be burned alive or castrated; bigoted southern [sic] ministers drool- ing with hysterical hatred to a degree that looks both comi- cal and deranged; menacing punks, thugs and convicts... Nazi concentration camps...(ibid:10) These images should be combined with those of their gay victims by a method propagandists [emphasis ours] call the "bracket technique." For example, for a few seconds an unctuous beady-eyed Southern preacher is seen, pounding the pulpit in rage about "those sick, abominable creatures." While his tirade continues over the soundtrack, the picture switches to pathetic photos of badly beaten persons, or to photos of gays who look decent, harmless, and likable; and then we cut back to the poisonous face of the preacher, and so forth... The effect is devastating (ibid.: 13-14). *** {start comment xii-1} The dubious nature of this reference was noted above. Quoting so extensively from such unrepresentative statements without having any corroborating statements from responsible spokesmen simply emphasizes how weak the case of the authors of The Pink Swastika is. *** {end comment xii-1} Without belaboring the point. these soi-disant propagandistic tactics, and even the verbiage in which they are couched, represent a twisted ap- proach to the winning of American public opinion. Again, I was struck by the similarity (in deceptive tactics and puppeteer-like attitude) to the creators of the Nazi propaganda machine. Not only is there the classic Big Lie tech- nique (say it "loudly and as often as possible"), but the homosexualists have elevated the old Nazi technique of vilification, used on the Jews by such adepts as pornographer Julius Streicher. to an art form And the familiar Hitlerian emotional component of hatred is certainly there, as Kirk and Pill salivate over the imagined discomfiture of their "most fervid enemies" (ap- parently, pastors who have the misfortune to live in the South!): The shoe fits, and we should make them try it on for size, with all of America watching (ibid. :10). Two of the first and major commitments of the Nazis in their rise to power were the effective control of the information sources in Germany, and the careful building of a propaganda machine. This was the key to their power, and except for a strong military force, it is the most important en- ***{Below is Page: xiv }*** hancement to any autocratic power. Over the last two decades we have wit- nessed an appalling willingness among the American news and entertain- ment media to align themselves with one element of political thought, to allow themselves to be channels for the dissemination of one side of an issue over another. As new and contradictory voices (talk radio) have appeared on the media scene. they have actually been opposed by the existing media com- mentators. And in much of. the entertainment media's program fare we find a not-so-subtle enactment of Kirk's and Pill's strategy (albeit on a number of issues, not just homosexuality). Indeed, Kirk and Pill assert that "gay Holly- wood has provided our best covert weapon in the battle to desensitize the mainstream" (Kirk and Pill:8). These are some of the issues to be broached in a study of the relationship of homosexuals and their political movements to the Nazi Party. The larger context of the study must be our own country, and the numerous groups who are now struggling to capture its soul and "transform" its society. How are we similar, and dissimilar, to the Germans of the 1920's and 30's? What lessons should we learn? As a final note, the other inspiration of this book has been the recent claim of homosexualists that homosexuals were major victims of the Holo- caust (this seems to be part (if the "victim" strategy in Kirk's and Pill's de- sign). The play Bent has been the springboard for a campaign, complete with homosexual add-ons to an Anne Frank exhibit which toured the U.S., to get the public to accept the idea that homosexuals were the most downtrod- den and persecuted group in Nazi Germany. In this play, a homosexual prisoner "trades up" his pink badge for a yellow Jewish star to improve his status in the camp (S. Katz:145). This turn of events in the homosexualist propaganda campaign has been a sore affront to traditionalist Jews like my friend and co-author Kevin Abrams, who desires to protect the truth of his- tory from the "Holocaust revisionists." It is to that truth, a signpost on the path of every free society, that we have dedicated this book. ***{Below is Page: xv }*** Acknowledgments The process of creating a book involves directly or indirectly, a great number of people who lend their inspiration. It is with deep respect that we express our gratitude to the many great historians, men like Konrad Heiden, who wrote A History of National Socialism and Der Fuehrer; William Shirer whose book, The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich, became one of the most respected and classic texts on Nazi history; and, of course, Samuel Igra, whose obscure but important 1945 work, Germany's National Vice reveals a hid- den side of history seldom seen or acknowledged. To these who were there and who honestly reported what they saw and experienced, we are indebted. They are our guides to the future. We would especially like to thank Dr. Charles Socarides, President of NARTH, The National Association for Research and Therapy of Homosexu- ality, for his support and encouragement. Dr Socarides is a Clinical Profes- sor of Psychiatry at Albert Einstein College of Medicine in New York. We would also like to express our gratitude to Dr. Joseph Nicolosi, Sec- retary and Editor of the NARTH Bulletin and Founder and Clinical Director of the Thomas Aquinas Psychological Clinic in Southern California. Dr. Nicolosi has published two insightful works on reparative therapy and ho- mosexuality which offer hope and the option of positive change for the ho- mosexual. Other individuals with whom one or both of us have had the honor of working are Mr. Peter LaBarbera, editor and publisher of the Lambda Report on Homosexuality, a Washington D.C.-based publication that monitors the homosexual agenda in American politics and culture; Sam and Mona Kaplan, editors and publishers of The Vancouver (Canada) Jewish Western Bulletin; Steve Lequire and Terry O'Neil of The British Columbia Report Magazine; Rosebianca Starr, Vancouver, British Columbia; Lon Mabon, Chairman of Oregon Citizens Alliance and Pat Smith of the OCA Research Department; Trevor Lautens, columnist for the Vancouver Sun, Paul Schratz, editor, The Province Newspaper, Vancouver; David, Avraham and Israel Feld, Maccabi Mossad, Israel; David Bedien, Director of Beit Agron Press Center, Jerusa- lem; Len Butcher, editor of the Canadian B'nai B'rith Covenant; Mrs. Irene Klass, Women's Editor, The Jewish Press, Brooklyn New York; Rabbi Micha and Bracha Peled, Moshav Netiv HaShaiara; Michael Elkins of the Jerusa- lem Report; Professor William Woodruff, Campbell University, North Caro- lina; David Bar Illan, editor of the Jerusalem Post; Kevin Tebedo, Executive ***{Below is Page: xvi }*** Director of Colorado for Family Values; Pastor Mary Rogers , Reverend Bernice Gerard of Sunday Line Radio and Television Ministries, Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada; Jan Willem van der Hoeven, Director for the Interna- tional Christian Embassy Jerusalem; David Luchins, Senior Assistant to U.S. Senator Daniel P. Moynihan, Jerusalem; Rabbi Avraham Ravitz, Member of Knesset; Rabbi Schlomo Beneziri, Member of Knesset; Phil Chernovsky, Is- rael Centre; Rena Cohen, Sefat, Israel; Toby Klein Greenwald, columnist for Washington Jewish Week; Paul deParrie and Andrew Burnett of Life Advo- cate magazine; Paul Hoerauf of Shelton-Turnbull Printers; Herman Bauer; and Pastor Larry Dill, Sheridan Assembly of God Church. Special thanks to Bill and Irene Bennett (and Anne L.) For their willing- ness to lend their considerable editorial talents to task {sic} of cleaning up the manuscript, to D.E. and to Alan Abe for digging out countless familiar and obscure sources that document the truth of Nazi history, to Pat Gunnip for his generosity in underwriting research and other costs, and to Carol P. at OCA's research department who got us started on this endeavor by introducing us to each other. I (Kevin) wish to acknowledge my teachers, Rabbis Mendle Altien, Lippa Dubrawsky, David Bassos, Mordecai Feuerstein, Avraham Feiglestock, Yitchak Wineberg -- to you I owe the most. Both of us extend a special thank you to our wives, Sharon Abrams and Anne Lively, who have struggled with us through this long and difficult process, offering their wholehearted support and many insightful sugges- tions. This book is for our children: Miriam, Aaron and Odette Abrams and Noah and Samuel Lively. ***{Below is Page: xvii }*** {Picture} {Picture of large marching field with a Nazi horde, a large grouping of Swastika standards in the foreground.} {No picture caption, quotes below beneath it. Credit ->} UPI/BETTMANN If it were possible to form a state or an army exclusively of homosexuals, these men would direct all their emulations toward honors, and going into battle with such a spirit would, even if their numbers were small, conquer the world. Plato, from Banquet (In Konrad Heiden's Der Fuehrer, 1944:741) *** {start comment xvii-1} Heiden's work is tinged with disparaging attitudes toward homosexuality, which perhaps explains his false translation of Plato. Plato's point dealt with lovers, and the idea was that lovers fighting together would be very brave, as they wouldn't want to be shamed in front of their partners: "Then if any device could be found how a state or an army could be made up only of lovers and beloved, they could not possible find a better way of living, since they would abstain from all ugly things and be ambitious in beautiful things towards each other, and in battle side by side, such troops although few would conquer pretty well all the world. For the lover would be less willing to be seen by his beloved than by all the rest of the world, leaving the ranks or throwing away his arms, and he would choose to die many times rather than that; yes, and as to deserting the beloved, or not helping in danger, no one is so base that Love himself would not inspire him to valour, and make him equal to the born hero." -- The Dialogues of Plato, Translated by W.H.D. Rouse, ed. Eric H. Warmington & Philip G. Rouse, 1956 by Mentor Books, New American Library. The Knickerbocker quote given below actually appears on page 34 of the Reynal & Hitchcock 1941 printing of his book. *** {end comment xvii-1} It remains characteristic of the Germans, that they, outwardly the most brutally masculine of all European peoples, are the most homosexual na- tion on earth. H.R. Knickerbocker, Is Tomorrow Hitler's?, 1941:34 ***{Below is Page: 1 }*** Chapter One: The Homosexual Roots of the Nazi Party It was a quiet night in Munich. The people along the streets in the heart of the city were grim. They walked heads down, hands deep in the pockets of their frayed coats. All around, the spirit of defeat hung like a pall in the evening air; it was etched on the faces of the out-of-work soldiers on every street corner and in every cafe. Germany had been defeated in the war, but it had been crushed by the terms of the Versailles Treaty. Everywhere the people were still mired in depression and despair, two years after the humiliating surrender of Kaiser Wilhelm. In this atmosphere the purposeful stride of Captain Ernst Roehm seemed out of place. But Roehm was accustomed to being different. A homosexual with a taste for young boys, Roehm was part of a growing subculture in Germany which fancied itself a superior ft~m of German manhood. A large, heavy man, Roehm had been a professional soldier since 1906, and after the war had temporarily lent his talents to a socialist terrorist organization called the Iron Fist. On this night Roehm was on his way to meet some associates who had recently formed a new socialist organization. *** {start comment 1-1} This is false information about Ernst Roehm. Note that in his "Acknowledgments," the Pink Swastika author lists Konrad Heiden as a great historian. The time frame of this depiction of Roehm would be 1920, "two years after the humiliating surrender." Yet it was not until 1924 that Roehm first realized that he had any homosexual feelings, so at this time he was hardly "a homosexual with a taste for young boys." Here's what Heiden says in Hitler: A Biography (NY: 1936) on page 205: "In 1924 Roehm became more intimate with Heines; in 1924, moreover, he first became conscious of his unfortunate disposition, with which, for that matter, he himself was very well pleased. The affair soon became notorious, but Hitler refused to take notice of it." So Ernst Roehm wasn't knowingly a homosexual until 1924 (his homosexuality was latent before then, and he was unaware of it), and the first five years of his involvement in the formation of the Nazi Party had absolutely nothing to do with homosexuality. (It should be noted that in 1925 Roehm resigned from the party and later went to South America to advise the Bolivian Army, returning to Germany only in 1930, at Hitler's invitation.) Thus, in the early days of the Nazi Party, Roehm was active less than a year as a "self-aware" homosexual. Furthermore, there is the question of Roehm's involvement with the SA, or Sturmabteilung, the private, armed militia of the Nazi Party. It was disbanded after Hitler attempted to overthrow the government in November, 1923, and reconstituted only much later. Thus it was founded when Roehm was not a homosexual, and remained outside his control until his return in 1930. *** {end comment 1-1} At the door of the Bratwurstglockl, a tavern frequented by homosexual roughnecks and bully-boys, Roehm turned in and joined the handful of sexual deviants and occultists who had cre- ated the German Worker's Party, later to be named the ***{Below is Page: 2 }*** Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei, The National So- cialist German Worker's Party -- the Nazis. Yes, the Nazis met in a "gay" bar. *** {start comment 2-1} This is a fabrication, and totally false, as Heiden's quote on Roehm proves. He was not aware of any homosexual tendencies in himself at this point. Quite the contrary, he was a trusted member of the German Army, which had heterosexuality as a high ideal. (The Pink Swastika author later gives quotes from the highest German Army officers complaining about the homosexuality of Roehm and elements of the SA.) Roehm would hardly have gone to a "gay bar." First, he had no interest in it, and second, he would not have risked being caught by the army, even as a heterosexual, going into a "gay" bar. The Bratwurstglockl was a meeting place much later for some of Roehm's SA associates he came to know after he became an active homosexual, but never for Nazi Party leaders or the general membership. Hitler derided the place, as the Pink Swastika author notes later. The following paragraph continues the fabrication. The Nazi Party wasn't founded by Roehm or Hitler or any of the others who became prominent Nazis. The names of the actual founders, such as Anton Drexler, are unknown to the public today, because they were pushed aside by Hitler and his followers. In the first five years of Ernst Roehm's early participation, he was not a homosexual, and the statement below that homosexuals were among those who founded the party is simply false. *** {end comment 2-1} It was no coincidence that homosexuals were among those who founded the Nazi Party In fact, the party grew out of a number of groups in Germany which were centers of homosexual activity and activism. Many of the characteristic rituals, symbols, activities and philosophies we associate with Nazism came from these organizations or from contemporary homosexuals. The extended-arm "Sieg Heil" salute, for example, was a ritual of the Wandervogel ("Wandering Birds" or "Rovers"), a male youth so- ciety which became the German equivalent of the Boy Scouts. The Wandervogel was started in 1901 by a homosexual teacher named Karl Fischer. Fischer called himself "Der Fuehrer" ("the Leader") (Koch:29). Hans Blueher, an anti-Semitic German bi- sexual and early member of the Wandervogel, incited a sensation in 1912 with publication of The German Wandervogel Movement as an Erotic Phenomenon, which told how the movement had become one in which young boys could be introduced into the homosexual lifestyle (Rector:39f). After the Nazis came to power in 1933, the Wandervogel became the Hitler Youth, known more coarsely among the populace as the "Homo Youth" because ho- mosexuality was by then rampant in the organization (Rector :52). *** {start comment 2-2} Koch speaks of Fischer on pages 25 and 26, not 29. He doesn't mention anything about homosexuality. The Wandervoegel was started earlier, by Herman Hoffmann. Koch mentions field trips the group took in 1897 and 1898. This shows the incredible sloppiness of the "scholarship" of the Pink Swastika author. The above information on the Wandervoegel contains outright lies. They are lies because the Pink Swastika author cited the source that refutes them, and so must have known and deliberately distorted what the cited author wrote. The author in question is Frank Rector. His book is The Nazi Extermination of Homosexuals (NY: Stein and Day 1981), and the information is on pages 36-39. Since the Pink Swastika author cites (Rector:39f), he must have known what Rector actually said. The Hitler Youth was not formed from the Wandervoegel in 1933. Rector states clearly that the Hitler Youth organization was founded in 1922 by the Nazis as the "Youth League of the National Socialist Workers Party." The Wandervoegel remained a separate group until Hitler achieved power. In 1933 the Nazi Youth League was renamed the "Hitler Jugend" ("Hitler Youth") and in time every other youth group, including all the elements of the Wandervoegel movement, was forced to become part of it. By 1933 then the Wandervogel was really a thing of the past. In fact, it met its demise during World War I. Peter D. Stachura, in Nazi Youth in the Weimar Republic(Santa Barbara, CA: Clio Books,1975), says of the movement "the fabric of the Wandervogel had been destroyed by 1918. All but its most naive admirers then realised that a radical transformation in both the concept and practice of the youth movement was necessary.... The original Wandervogel principles were now generally considered too unrealistic and romantic, and only a small number of revived Wandervogel groups continued to cultivate the old tradition." Stachura further notes that by 1933 there were "400 large youth associations, plus scores of smaller ones" in Germany. During 1933 and 1934, all except the youth groups of the Catholic Church were brought under the leadership of the Hitler Youth. The influence of the Wandervoegel was minuscule, being at most that of a few splinter groups out of the 400 or more incorporated into the Hitler Youth. The Pink Swastika authors have simply lied about the phantom origin of the Hitler Youth in the Wandervoegl Movement. The Rector citation (Rector:52) is a fabrication. It illustrates a favorite technique of the Pink Swastika authors, to misuse a citation in order to deceive the reader as to the intent of the cited author. What Rector actually says of Hitler and his youth movement is in the caption under a picture of Hitler reviewing a youth rally: "He ordered the youth organization 'cleansed' of homosexuality so that every German mother could rest assured that her son would not be homosexually corrupted in its ranks. The persecution of homosexuals notwithstanding, the Hitler Youth was covertly referred to throughout Germany as the 'Homo Youth.'" Stachura denies that the Hitler Youth had any more problem with homosexuality than any other youth group, and notes that those cases that did arise were dealt with by expulsion. (See comment 32-1 below.) *** {end comment 2-2} Many of the Nazi emblems, such as the swastika, the double lightning bolt SS symbol, and even the inverted triangle symbol used to identify classes of prisoners in the concentration camps, originated among homosexual occultists in Germany. In 1907, Jog Land Von Liebenfels, a former Cistercian monk whom the church excommunicated because of his homosexual activities (Sklar: 19), flew the swastika flag above his castle in Austria (Goodrick-Clarke: 109). After his expulsion from the church Land founded the Ordo Novi Templi ("Order of the New Temple") which merged occultism with violent anti-Semitism~ A 1958 study of Land, Der Man der Hitler die Ideen gab ("The Man Who Gave ***{Below is Page: 3 }*** Hitler His Ideas"), by Austrian psychologist Wilhelm Daim, called Land the true "father" of National Socialism. *** {start comment 3-1} The Swastika was used by many Voelkisch (of the people, essentially a racist meaning) organizations in Germany. It didn't have anything particular to do with "homoerotic occult" groups, and the Nazis did not adopt it from those insignificant groups. As comment 37-1 notes below, the nazis purportedly copied the swastika from a Freecorps group. *** {end comment 3-1} The "SS" symbol was originally used by Guido von List, a close associate of Land, who formed the Guido von List Society in Vienna in 1904. The Guido von List Society was accused of practicing a form of Hindu Tantrism which featured sexual per- version in its rituals. This form of sexual perversion was popular- ized in occult circles by a man named Aleister Crowley who, ac- cording to Hitler biographer J. Sydney Jones, enjoyed "playing with black magic and little boys" (J. S. Jones: 123). List was "ac- cused of being the Aleister Crowley of Vienna (ibid.: 123). Like Land, List was an occultist; he wrote several books on the magic principles of rune letters (from which he chose the "SS" symbol). In 1908 List "was unmasked as the leader of a blood brotherhood which went in for sexual perversion and substituted the swastika for the cross" (Sklar:23). The Nazis borrowed heavily from List's occult theories and research. List also formed an elitist occult priesthood called the Armanen Orden to which Hitler himself may have belonged (Waite, 1977:91). *** {start comment 3-2} This is another example of the deceptive technique of citing a source in an attempt to give credibility to a long passage when the source has, in fact, spoken of only a small part of the passage. Waite says nothing about Hitler's possible membership in List's group, nor does Waite support the existence of a "priesthood" called the "Armanen Orden." Waite says "Our interest is caught by the curious dedication of the flyleaf, dated 1921 [of a book in Hitler's private library]. It reads: 'To Adolf Hitler, my dear brother in Armanen.' Armanen, as we are about to see, was List's special term for a racially elite ruling class." Waite really doesn't give enough information to make sense of this, but List died in 1919, two years before the inscription was written. In 1911 List had founded a "Higher Armanen Order" for a small body of elite within the larger "Guido von List Society," but there's absolutely nothing in Waite or other authors to support the speculation of the Pink Swastika author that "Hitler himself may have belonged" to this elite group. Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke (The Occult Roots of Nazism, page 197) sheds more light on the book inscription: "In 1921 Dr. Babette Steininger, an early Nazi Party member, presented Hitler with Tagore's essay on nationalism as a birthday present. On the flyleaf she wrote a personal dedication: 'To Adolf Hitler my dear Armanen-brother'. Her use of the esoteric term suggests a shared interest in the work of List." The fact that the inscriber of the book was a woman precludes the fact that she could have been a member with Hitler in the Armanen Orden's all-male elite. The book dedication likely indicates that one vain racist was complimenting another vain racist on deserving to belong to the future ruling elite. *** {end comment 3-2} The Nazi dream of an Aryan super-race was adopted from an occult group called the Thule Society, founded in 1917 by follow- ers of Land and List. The occult doctrine of the Thule Society held that the survivors of an ancient and highly developed lost civilization could endow Thule initiates with esoteric powers and wisdom. The initiates would use these powers to create a new race of Aryan supermen who would eliminate all "inferior" races. Hitler dedicated his book, Mein Kampf, to Dietrich Eckart, one of the Thule Society inner circle and a former head of the German Worker's Party. (Schwarzwaller :67). The various occult groups mentioned above were outgrowths of the Theosophical Society, whose founder, Helena Petrovna Blavatsky, is thought by some to have been a lesbian (Webb:94) and whose "bishop" was a no- torious pederast named Charles Leadbeater. ** {start comment 3-3} Schwarzwaller merely says that Eckart was a member of Thule, and nothing else, so he is not a reference for the other comments. In any case, Schwarzwaller has no notes, gives no references, and can't be regarded as a serious, reliable author. In many cases his undocumented assertions conflict with the work of genuine historians. Eckart was never "a head" of the German Worker's Party, though he did for a time edit its newspaper and was an influential participant in the group. Major General Abner Doubleday, Civil War hero and reputed inventor of baseball, was vice-president of Blavatsky's Theosophical Society, and bequeathed to it his library of rare books. Thomas Edison, the famous American inventor was a member of Blavatsky's society, as was William James, the famous American philosopher. A niece of Albert Einstein reported that the famous scientist kept a copy of Blavatsky's book, The Secret Doctrine, always on his desk, and another writer confirmed this. Sir William Crookes, a leading British scientist, and Irish poet William Butler Yeats were also members. These are mentioned in the preface to Sylvia Cranston's 1993 biography of Blavatsky. There's no reason to suspect Blavatsky was a lesbian. "Thought by some" probably refers to the Pink Swastika authors only, who so commonly mislead by deceitfully citing authors that a possible reference by Webb, or even a mention by Webb of rumors, can't be inferred here. Her biographer, Marion Meade, quoted below by the Pink Swastika author, certainly thinks she was an entirely heteroseual woman, and nobody has shown any evidence to indicate otherwise. Leadbeater was accused of teaching some boys to masturbate. There was no suggestion that he had had any sexual contact with them. When this was discovered in 1906, he was pressured into resigning from the Theosophical Society. Refer to comment 51-2 below. *** {end comment 3-3} The dreaded SA Brownshirts or Sturmabteilung ("Storm Troopers") were the creation of yet another homosexual, Gerhard Rossbach (Waite, 1969:209). Rossbach formed the Rossbachbund *** {start comment 3-4} This is a case of false attribution. Waite doesn't say that Rossbach formed the SA Brownshirts. At another point (page 195) Waite specifically says that Hitler's SA was in existence before Rossbach joined the NSDAP, and that Rossbach's own Free Corps was a separate entity. What Waite does say is that Rossbach was a homosexual. Waite writes in the original 1952 edition of his book (which will be used throughout for these comments): "With the exception of Ehrhardt, Gerhard Rossbach, sadist, murderer, and homosexual, was the most admired hero of nationalist German youth." Waite goes on to give a quote from a 1932 German book saying those two men have become "the Ideal Man." See also comment 32-1 below. *** {end comment 3-4} ***{Below is Page: 4 }*** ("Rossbach Brotherhood"), a homosexual unit of the Freikorps ("Free Corps"). The Freikorps were independent inactive mili- tary reserve units which became home to the hundreds of thou- sands of unemployed World War I veterans in Germany. Rossbach also formed a youth organization under the Rossbachbund, call- ing it the Schilljugend ("Schill Youth") (ibid.:210). Rossbach's staff assistant, Lieutenant Edmund Heines, a pederast and mur- derer, was put in charge of the Schilljugend The Rosshachbund later changed its name to Storm Troopers in honor of Wotan, the ancient German god of storms, and became the original military arm of the Nazi Party (Graber:46). *** {start comment 4-1} As published in 1978 by David McKay (NY), Graber's book has no such reference to Rossbach or his group on page 46. Graber's book is about the SS (Schutzstaffel), not the SA (Sturmabteilung). The only mention of Rossbach or his group in Graber's index is on page 33, where he speaks of the group as the "Sturmabteilung Rossbach" (which had nothing to do with the Nazis, but was a Freikorps, "sturmabteilung" being a generic term in German military jargon). Graber states that Rossbach was an open homosexual and that Heines was on his staff, but mentions nothing else asserted by the Pink Swastika author. It is possible that the Pink Swastika author is confused. *** {end comment 4-1} Even the enduring image of Nazi book-burning, familiar to us from newsreels of the 1930's, was directly related to the homo- sexuality of Nazi leaders. The first such incident occurred four days after Hitler's Brownshirts broke into Magnus Hirschfeld's Institute for Sexual Research in Berlin on May 6, 1933. On May 10 the Nazis burned thousands of books and files taken in that raid. The Institute had extensive records on the sexual perver- sions of numerous Nazi leaders, many of whom had been under treatment there prior to the beginning of the Nazi regime. Treat- ment at the Sex Research Institute was required by the German courts for persons convicted of sex crimes. Ludwig L. Lenz, who worked at the Institute at the time of the raid, but managed to escape with his life, later wrote of the incident: Why was it then, since we were completely non- party, that our purely scientific Institute was the first victim which fell to the new regime? The an- swer to this is simple... We knew too much. It would be against medical principles to provide a list of the Nazi leaders and their perversions [but]...not ten percent of the men who, in 1933, took the fate of Germany into their hands, were sexually normal... Our knowledge of such intimate secrets regarding members of the Nazi Party and other documentary material -- we possessed about ***{Below is Page: 5 }*** forty thousand confessions and biographical let- ters -- was the cause of the complete and utter destruction of the Institute of Sexology. (Haberle:369). *** {start comment 5-1} This quotation is not correctly presented. The absence of substantial material is not indicated. Among other things left out is "I refer here especially to a young girl whose abdomen was covered with pin scratches caused through the sadism of an eminent Nuremberg Nazi...." Furthermore, the author of The Pink Swastika left out the salient fact that Ludwig L. Lenz, who "worked at the Institute" was a gynocologist !!! The Pink Swastika author tries to give the false impression that only homosexuality is involved here. *** {end comment 5-1} The attack on the Sex Research Institute is often cited as an example of Nazi oppression of homosexuals. This is partly true, but as we shall see, the "oppression" fits into a larger context of internecine rivalry between two major homosexual groups. Magnus Hirschfeld, who headed the Institute, was a prominent Jewish homosexual. Hirschfeld also headed a "gay rights" orga- nization called the Scientific-Humanitarian Committee. The SHC was dedicated to the repeal of Paragraph 175 of the German legal code, which criminalized homosexuality. The organization was also opposed to sadomasochism and pedophilia, two of the favor- ite practices of the militaristic, Roehm-style homosexuals who figured so prominently in the early Nazi Party. Hirschfeld had formed the SHC to carry on the work of the pioneer "gay rights" activist, Karl Heinrich Ulrichs (1825-1895). Ulrichs had written against the concept of "Greek love" (pederasty) advocated by a number of other homosexuals in Germany. One such advocate was Adolf Brand, who formed the Gemeinschaft der Eigenen ("Community of the Special") in 1902. The Gemeinschaft der Eigenen inspired the formation in 1920 of the German Friendship League, which changed its name in 1923 to the Society for Human Rights. The leaders of this group were instrumental in the formation and the rise of the Nazi Party. Adolf Brand published the world's first homosexual periodical, Der Eigene ("The Special") (Oosterhuis and Kennedy:cover). Brand was a pederast, child pornographer and anti-Semite, and, along with many homosexuals who shared his philosophies, developed a burning hatred of Magnus Hirschfeld and the SHC. Later, when Hirschfeld's Sex Research Institute was destroyed, the SA troops were under the general command of Ernst Roehm, a member of Brand's spinoff group, the Society for Human Rights. ***{Below is Page: 6 }*** The Divided movement This was not the last time homosexual leadership of the Nazis would attack other ideologically dissimilar homosexuals. Later in this discussion we will examine the so-called "pink triangle" homosexuals who were interned in concentration camps. The pink triangle, part of a scheme of variously-colored triangles used by the Nazis to identify specific classes of prisoners, was applied to those convicted under Paragraph 175 of the German Penal Code. Homosexuals were one of these classes, but according to Johansson, [M]any of those convicted under Paragraph 175 were not homosexual: some were opponents of the regime such as Catholic priests or leaders of youth groups who were prosecuted on the basis of perjured testimony, while others were street hustlers from Berlin or Hamburg who had been caught up in a police dragnet (Johansson in Dynes:997). *** {start comment 6-1} "Street hustlers" are male prostitutes who cater to homosexuals. *** {end comment 6-1} As many as 6,000 of the approximately 10,000 "pink triangles" died in the work camps, but few, if any, were gassed in the death camps. Some of those who died met their deaths at the hands of homosexual Kapos ("trustees") and guards of the SS. At first glance it is difficult to understand why the homosexual leaders of the Nazi movement would persecute other homosexuals on the basis of their sexual behavior. We alluded, in the matter of the Sex Research Institute, to the fact that the homosexual move- ment in Germany was divided into two diametrically opposed camps which some have called the "Femmes" and the "Butches." These terms are common in the homosexual lexicon today, as is the disdain "Butches" feel for "Femmes." Historian of the homosexual movement Gordon Westwood writes that masculine homosexuals "deplore [effeminate] behav- ior," many considering effeminate homosexuals "repulsive" ***{Below is Page: 7 }*** (Westwood:87). Another historian, H. Kimball Jones, reports that reaction to "Femmes" is often violent in the general homosexual community. "[They label them 'flaming faggot' or 'degenerate fag,'" one homosexual exclaiming, "You know, I loathe these screaming fairies" (H.K.Jones:29). Jay and Young's 1979 exami- nation of the American homosexual movement, The Gay Report, contains numerous personal statements by masculine homosexu- als critical of effeminacy. "Femme behavior can be vicious and destructive, demeaning to women and gay men," says one." An- other asserts, "To me someone who is 'femme' is a self- indulgent... petty, scheming, gossipy gay being whose self-image has been warped and shaped by unfortunate family situations" (Jay:294ff.). *** {start comment 7-1} Gordon Westwood is hardly an "historian" much less "historian of the homosexual movement." Westwood's work was sponsored by the British Social Biology Council, and consists of an attempt to characterize the homosexuals of Great Britain in the 1950s through interviews conducted with 127 gay men. Whether the Pink Swastika author calls Westwood an historian through ingnorance or in an attempt to be deceptive is hard to discern. *** {end comment 7-1} The most hostile to "Femmes" are precisely those homosexu- als who deem themselves the most "masculine." Cory and LeRoy, in their detailed discussion of homosexual culture, describe the scene in a typical American "leather bar:" Here, sturdy swaggering males dressed in tight dungarees, leather jackets or heavy shoes, dark hued woolen shirts, and sometimes motorcycle helmets, aspire toward a super-masculine ideal...Behind the facade of robust exploits, the uniform of pretentious male prowess, the mask of toughness, there sometimes lies a dangerous per- sonality that can express itself physically by sub- stituting violence for erotic pleasure; capable of receiving sexual pleasure only by inflicting pain (or receiving it). The general atmosphere in such places is restless and brooding, and one can never be sure when the dynamite of violence will erupt (Cory and LeRoy: 109). Reading this description, one can imagine oneself looking into Munich's Bratwurstglockl Tavern where the Brownshirts congre {sic} ***{Below is Page: 8 }*** gated and finding the same cast of characters -- just different cos- tumes. The authors do not wish to imply that all homosexuals fall into one or the other of these two simplistic stereotypes. The terms "Butch" and "Femme" in this study are used loosely to dif- ferentiate between two ideological extremes relating to the na- ture of homosexual identity. Generally in this work the German "Femmes" are defined as homosexual men who acted like women. They were pacifists and accomodationists. Their goals were equal- ity with heterosexuals and the "right to privacy," and generally they opposed sex with children. Their leaders were Karl Heinrich Ulrichs and Magnus Hirschfeld. The "Butches," on the other hand, were masculine homosexu- als. They were militarists and chauvinists in the Hellenic mold. Their goal was to revive the pederastic military cults of pre-Chris- tian pagan cultures, specifically the Greek warrior cult. They were often vicious misogynists and sadists. Their leaders included Adolf Brand and Ernst Roehm. The "Butches" reviled all things femi- nine. Their ideal society was the mannerbund, an all-male "com- radeship-in-arms" comprised of rugged men and boys (Oosterhuis and Kennedy:255). In their view, heterosexuals might be toler- ated for the purpose of continuing the species, but effeminate ho- mosexuals were considered to be subhuman, and thus, intoler- able. Most of the estimated 1.2 to 2 million homosexuals in Ger- many at the time of the Third Reich undoubtedly fit somewhere between the two extremes of the movement. This may explain the fact that less than 2% of this population were victimized by the Nazis (Cory and LeRoy estimate that "Femmes" make up 5- 15% of male homosexuals. Cory and LeRoy:73). Most of those who became victims can be shown to have fit the profile of the "Femmes." Kurt Hiller, a ranking member of the SHC who later succeeded Hirschfeld "estimated that 75 percent of the male ho- mosexuals sympathized with the parties of the Right" (Johansson in Friedlander:233). In his introduction to The Men with the Pink Triangle, the ***{Below is Page: 9 }*** supposed testimony of a former pink triangle prisoner at the Flossenburg concentration camp, translator David Fernbach con- firms that the "Butch/Femme" conflict was at the heart of the Nazi hatred of the "pink triangles." He writes, Naturally, in the paramilitary organization of the SA, Hitler Youth etc., even the elite SS, the forms of homosexuality that are characteristic of such all-male bodies were as common as they always are... it was quite fundamental to Nazi ideology that men were to be properly "masculine"... when male homosexuality disguises itself as a cult of"manli- ness" and virility, it is less obnoxious from the fas- cist standpoint than is the softening of the gender division that homosexuality invariably involves when it is allowed to express itself freely (Heger: l0f.). This, then, is the explanation for the paradox of the Nazi per- secution of homosexuals. It is found in the history of two irrec- {sic} oncilable philosophies linked by a common sexual dysfunction. The roots of this conflict extend back into the eighteenth century and span a 70-year period which saw the rise of the homosexual militancy in the movement that gave Nazism to the world. Karl Heinrich Ulrichs The "grandfather" of the world "gay rights" movement was a homosexual German lawyer named Karl Heinrich Ulrichs (1825- 1895). At the age of 14, Ulrichs was seduced by his riding in- structor, a homosexual man about 30 years old (Kennedy in Pas- cal: 15). Observers familiar with the apparently high correlation between childhood sexual molestation and adult homosexuality might conclude that this youthful experience caused Ulrichs to become a homosexual. Ulrichs himself, however, arrived at a ***{Below is Page: 10 }*** hereditary rather than an environmental explanation for his condi- tion. In the 1860's Ulrichs began advancing a theory that defined homosexuals as a third sex. He proposed that male homosexual- ity could be attributed to a psycho-spiritual mix-up in which a man's body came to be inhabited by a woman's soul (and vice- versa for females). He called members of this third sex "Urnings" (male) and "Dailings" (female). Since homosexuality was an in- born condition, he reasoned, it should not be criminalized. Although Ulrichs was to be unsuccessful in changing the laws against homosexuality, his efforts did encourage widespread po- litical activism. One early follower, a German-Hungarian writer named Benkert (under the pseudonym, Karoly Maria Kertbeny), coined the term "homosexual" in an anonymous open letter to the Prussian Minister of Justice in 1869 (Lauritsen and Thorstad:6). The first psychiatric study of homosexuality in Germany was pub- lished in 1869 as the result of Ulrichs' efforts. It advocated the decriminalization of homosexuality in favor of medical treatment (Oosterhuis and Kennedy: 13). Ulrichs' greatest intellectual impact on his own generation came from his invention of the term "Uranians," which he intro- duced in 1862 as a new designation for homosexuals (both Urnings and Dailings). He took the term from Plato's Symposium, in which homosexual activity was said to fall under the protection of the ninth muse, Urania. In the late 1800's German homosexuals frequently called themselves Uranians, and a militant homosexual slogan, "Uranians of the world, unite!" became popular interna- tionally (Rutledge:41). In the following quote Ulrichs uses the term in his explanation of the "third sex" theory, and graphically illustrates the mentality of the "Femmes" Apart from the womanly direction of our sexual desire, we Uranians bear another womanly element within us which, it appears to me, offers proof positive that nature developed the male germ within us physically but the female spiritually. We bear this other womanly element from our earliest child- ***{Below is Page: 11 }*** hood on. Our character, the way we feel, our en- tire temperament is not manly, it is decidedly wom- anly. This inner womanly element is outwardly recognizable by our outwardly apparent womanly nature (Fee:37). Ulrichs was publicly opposed to sadomasochism and pedo- philia (perhaps because of his own molestation as a child). He wrote against the concept of "Greek love" and considered "sexual attraction to the prepubertal to be a sickness." In his attempts to repeal Paragraph 175 of the German Penal Code, Ulrichs advo- cated more stringent laws against pedophilia. Ulrichs' condem- nation of man/boy sex, however, extended only to prepubescent boys. As the following quote from his publication Furschugen {sic} Uber das Ratzel der Mannmannlichen Liebe ("Concerning the Enigma of Homosexual Love") reveals, Ulrichs was not opposed to sex between men and boys who were "sexually mature." The Urning is not by a hair's breadth any more dangerous to immature boys than the genuine man is to immature girls. For the rest, I gladly leave the child molester to his deserved punishment by the law. Let the integrity of a will-less minor be sacred to every Urning. I have no defense for whoever touches it. Therefore, let the seduction of immature boys, I grant it completely, be a pun- ishable indecent act (Ulrichs: 16). This distinction between mature and immature boys was lost on many who followed the rise of the homosexual movement in Germany. For example, Friedrich Engels, in a letter to Karl Marx about a book Ulrichs had written, said, "The pederasts start count- ing their numbers and discover they are a powerful group in our state. The only thing missing is an organization, but it seems to exist already, though it is hidden" (Plant:38). Engels considers ***{Below is Page: 12 }*** Ulrichs a pederast despite his arbitrary age restriction for sex with boys. *** {start comment 12-1} The Pink Swastika author doesn't understand the difference between "pederast" and "pedophile." The "pedophile" desires sex with immature children, girls and/or boys, who are prepubescent -- undeveloped sexually. "Pederasty," as practiced by the Greeks, for example, involved young men (18-30 years old, usually) paired with "boys" under the age of 18, but past puberty -- "teenagers" who were developed sexually. The age of sexual consent in 1996 in many countries of Europe is lower than it is in the United States, typically no greater than 16, in some places 14 years of age. *** {end comment 12-1} Ulrichs' political activities paved the way for a large and pow- earful homosexual movement which grew both in numbers and in political and social influence in pre-Nazi Germany. Barely a quar- ter of a century after his death in 1895, homosexuality would be- come openly widespread in the Germany of the Weimar Republic era. Cities such as Munich and Berlin would become international Meccas for the practitioners of all forms of sexual perversion. Magnus Hirschfeld and the SHC Ulrichs' successor was a prominent Jewish physician and ho- mosexual by the name of Magnus Hirschfeld (1868-1935). Dr. Hirschfeld, along with two other homosexuals, Max Spohr and Erich Oberg, joined together to form the Wissenschaftlich- Humanitares Komitee ("Scientific-Humanitarian Committee"). The SHC was dedicated to two goals: 1) to carry on Ulrichs' philosophy and works and 2) to work for toleration of homo- sexuals by the German public via the repeal of Paragraph 175, the German law which criminalized homosexuality (Steakley:23f). Homosexualist historian Richard Plant writes, It would be hard to overestimate Hirschfeld's importance... He became the leader of several psy- chological and medical organizations, the founder of a unique institute for sexual research... He also founded the 'Yearbook for Intersexual Variants,' which he edited until 1923 (Plant: 28-29). Hirschfeld was originally committed to Ulrichs' "third sex" theory but he abandoned this idea in 1910. Still, Hirschfeld re- mained true to many of the rest of Ulrichs' theories, building upon them through the work of the Scientific-Humanitarian Commit- tee, whose efforts he directed toward the political goal of de- ***{Below is Page: 13 }*** criminalizing homosexuality. Also in 1910, Hirschfeld coined the term "transvestite," which has become the accepted label for both men and women who compulsively costume themselves as mem- bers of the opposite sex (J. Katz:2l0). The SHC circulated petitions among German intellectuals and politicians calling for the abolition of Paragraph 175. Due to Hirschfeld's groundwork in creating a positive public image, these petitioning efforts met with increasing success. But for all the appearance of dignity and scientific impartiality which it displayed to German society, the SHC offered a far different perspective to those who saw it from within. Hans Blueher, whose contribution to the German homosexual movement is chronicled later in this study, once visited Hirschfeld at the SHC. The meeting was pre- cipitated by Hirschfeld's offer to write the foreword to Blueher's book describing homosexuality in the Wandervogel. Blueher writes, I was led into the study of the "Wise Man of Ber- lin" (as he was called)... Sitting on a silk-covered fauteuil, legs tinder him like a Turk, was an indi- vidual with bloated lips and cunning, dimly covet- ing eyes who offered me a fleshy hand and intro- duced himself as Dr. Hirschfeld...[Later in a meet- ing of the SHC] the first to greet me was a corpo- ral with a deep bass voice; he was, however, wear- ing women's clothes... "A so-called transvestite!" commented Dr. Hirschfeld, whose nickname was "Aunt Magnesia," and introduced us... Then a most beautiful youth appeared... "A hermaphrodite!" said Hirschfeld. "Why don't you come to me during my office hours tomorrow, you can see him naked then"...An older gentleman in his sixties...recited a poem...to a sixteen year old youth, full of yearning...I [suddenly realized] I was in the middle of a brothel (Blueher in Mills: 160f.). *** {start comment 13-1} The many ellipses will have alerted the experienced reader to the fact that the Pink Swastika author has taken words selectively to make the point he wants to make. The hermaphrodite was seen at the office. He had male genitals but fully developed female breasts, and that's why he was of interest. The older gentleman did indeed read a poem addressed to a sixteen-year-old youth, but it was the poem and the older gentleman, not the youth, that was "full of yearning and suffering, and broke out in sorrow that this youth was totally insensible for the physical charms of the aging gentleman." As for the Brothel remark, Blueher actually said, "I turned to Laurent, who was the only kindred spirit in this pack of lemurs. 'Tell me, haven't you noticed that we're in a downright brothel here?'" The Pink Swastika author should not print something so different from the true reading as if it were a quotation. It is of interest to note that just after Mills's article follows one by Ian Young titled "Gay Resistance: Homosexuals in the Anti-Nazi Underground." Of course, that wouldn't fit very well into the false picture of Nazi homosexuals the Pink Swastika author is trying to paint. *** {end comment 13-1} ***{Below is Page: 14 }*** Blueher's disgust with Hirschfeld and the SHC was represen- tative of the attitude of the masculine homosexual camp. But at this stage of the conflict, the "Femmes" were fully in control and enjoyed what support there was in German society for the homo- sexual political cause. The SHC's "scientific" focus lent an air of legitimacy to its political goals that the masculine group could not achieve. Yet it was a strategy that would ultimately backfire on the "Femmes." Sociologist David Greenburg writes that Ulrichs' third-sex theory "was a controversial strategy among German ho- mosexual activists; those in the anti-feminist wing of the move- ment viewed male homosexuality as an expression of male supe- {sic} riority and considered the Ulrichs-Hirschfeld position insulting" (Greenburg: 410). Hoping "to use the argument that homosexuality is congeni- tal" to justify its decriminalization, Hirschfeld tried desperately to legitimize his "third-sex" theory (ibid. :410). With this strategy in mind he formed the Sex Research Institute of Berlin, which opened its doors on July 1, 1919. The Sex Research Institute assimilated the SHC's massive collection of books, photographs and medical documents and began a campaign to make itself "respectable" in German society. According to Plant, "attending physicians of- fered various kinds of sexual counseling... treated people for ve- nereal diseases... [and gave] advice on abortion procedures." The fact that many Nazi leaders were treated at the Sex Research In- stitute led the Institute's Assistant Director, Ludwig L. Lenz, to conclude that its destruction by the Nazis in 1933 was for the purpose of destroying evidence of Nazi perversions. For many years the Scientific-Humanitarian Committee was the largest and most influential homosexual organization in the German "gay rights" movement. In 1914, it had one thousand members (Steakley:60). But homosexuality in Germany was much more prevalent than the size of the membership of the SHC would suggest. Not surprisingly, one of the early goals of the SHC was to find out how many homosexuals there were in the German population. In what may have been the world's first survey of its kind, the SHC distributed 6611 questionnaires to Berlin students ***{Below is Page: 15 }*** and factory workers in 1903. The results were published the fol- lowing year in the Jahrbuch ('Yearbook') and showed that 2.2% of the German male population admitted to being homosexual (ibid.:33). The New Hellenes At the same time that Ulrichs and Hirschfeld were promulgat- ing their theories of male homosexuality as an expression of femi- ninity, a rival group of homosexuals was reaching into antiquity for its own "masculine" philosophy. As homosexual scholar Hubert Kennedy writes in Man/Boy Love in the Writings of Karl Heinrich Ulrichs, Happily, some boy-lovers were already speaking out in opposition to Hirschfeld in Berlin at the be- ginning of this century... [Der Gemeinsehaft] Der Eigene, mostly bisexual and/or boy-lovers, op- posed the "third sex" view of homosexuality. See- ing the "love of friends" as a masculine virtue, they urged a rebirth of the Greek ideal (Kennedy: 17f.). This "Greek ideal" was a culture of pederastic male supremacy. Male homosexuality, especially between men and boys, was con- sidered a virtue by some in Hellenic (Greek) society. Plato and Socrates were both pederasts, and considered man/boy sex to be superior to heterosexual relations. As Greenhurg notes, "Plato makes clear in the Symposium that it was perfectly acceptable to court a lad, and admirable to win him... Pederasty did not lurk in the shadows of Greek life, it was out in the open (Greenhurg: l48, 151). In Bisexuality in the Ancient World, Scholar Eva Cantarella reviews the literature of the period, including Plato's writings. She writes that Plato developed a theory "of the existence of two different types of love: the love inspired by the heavenly Aphro- dite, and the love inspired by the common Aphrodite." Only "ped- ***{Below is Page: 16 }*** erastic courtship," notes Catarella, reflected the "heavenly" form of love (Cantarella:59). In his Symposium, Plato expounds his theory: [Homosexual] boys and lads are the best of their generation, because they are the most manly. Some people say they are shameless, but they are wrong. It is not shamelessness which inspires their behavior, but high spirit and manliness and viril- ity, which leads them to welcome the society of their own kind. A striking proof of this is that such boys alone, when they reach maturity engage in public life. When they grow to be men, they become lovers of boys, and it requires the com- pulsion of convention to overcome their natural disinclination to marriage and procreation; they are quite content to live with one another unwed (ibid. :60). Cantarella writes that "[t]he gender which attracted and tempted Socrates was the male sex" as well. She cites another of Plato's dialogues in which Socrates falls in love with Cydias, a schoolboy, proclaiming "[I] caught fire, and could possess myself no longer" (ibid.: 56ff). Not everyone accepted the spread of homosexuality in Hel- lenic society. In Athens especially, parents tried to protect their children from predatory pederasts who had overrun the city. It became customary for parents to send chaperones with their male children to and from school (ibid :27) And civil authorities, un- doubtedly pressured by parents, established strict rules for the Athenian educational system. Cantarella records this set of guide- lines from Aeschines' oration Against Timarchus: The teachers of the boys shall open the school rooms not earlier than sunrise, and they shall close them before sunset. No person who is older than ***{Below is Page: 17 }*** the boys shall be permitted to enter the room while they are there, unless he be a son of the teacher, a brother, or a daughter's husband. !f any one enter in violation of this prohibition he shall be punished with death. The superintendents of the gymnasia shall under no conditions allow any one who has reached the age of manhood to enter the contests of Hermes together with the boys. A gymnasiarch who does permit this and fails to keep such a per- son out of the gymnasium, shall be liable to the penalties prescribed for the seduction of free-born youth (ibid:28). *** {start comment 17-1} The Pink Swastika author leaves out the final sentence of the above quote from Cantarella, "Every choregus who is appointed by the people shall be more than forty years of age." That makes nonsense of the following paragraph about Socrates, who was seventy at the time of his death and would not have been considered a "sexual" threat, for he could have served as a choregus. Furthermore, after the quoted passage Cantarella states that "protective legislation (as in Athens) was not directed to preventing all pederastic relationships, but only those which could prove dangerous for the paides {teenager} on account of the low quality of the lovers involved." *** {end comment 17-1} In light of the preceding passage, the classic story of Socrates' death takes on new implications. In the standard rendition of the tale, Socrates, accused of "corrupting the youth of Athens with his teachings" chose suicide by drinking hemlock rather than ac- cept banishment (Runes:78). It may have been not only his ideas, but his actions as well, which condemned the philosopher, for apparently Athenian society had reached the end of its tolerance for pederasty. *** {start comment 17-2} As indicated in note 17-1 above, this is utter nonsense that required the Pink Swastika author to leave out a critical sentence in the passage he quoted from Cantarella and also Cantarella's conclusion that only pederasty with "low quality" lovers was unacceptable. But there is more nonsense here, which is evident from Plato's Apology, a record of Socrates's defense speech. No commentators or scholars of history suggest that Socrates was charged with sexual improprieties. His condemnation was not unanimous, there being 281 votes for "guilty" and 220 votes for "innocent." The "corruption" is illustrated by various passages in the Apology such as "Besides this, the young men, those who have most leisure, sons of the most wealthy houses, follow me of their own accord, delighted to hear people being cross-examined; and they often imitate me, they try themselves to cross-examine, and then, I think, they find plenty of people who believe they know something, when they know little or nothing. So in consequence those who are cross-examined are angry with me instead of with themselves, and say that Socrates is a blackguard and corrupts the young." There's nothing sexual suggested by "corruption" in the case of Socrates. *** {end comment 17-2} Though some in Athens attempted to uphold what we might today call pro-family standards, the Greek military establishment enthusiastically embraced homosexuality. Here we find the model for the new Hellenes -- an ultramasculine, male supremacist war- rior cult. The armies of Thebes, Sparta and Crete were each ex- amples of this phenomenon. Cantarella notes that the ancient historian, Plutarch of Chaeronea (50-120 A.D.) wrote of "the sa- cred battalion" of Thebans made up of 150 male homosexual pairs (Cantarella:72), and the legendary Spartan army, which inducted all twelve-year-old boys into military service where they were "entrusted to lovers chosen among the best men of adult age." Plutarch also reports of a Cretan military induction ritual in which boys were abducted and sexually enslaved for a period of two months by adult pederasts before receiving their "military kit" (ibid. :7). This last perversion undoubtedly inspired or was in- *** {start comment 17-3} This is another example of attributing false statements to a cited author. Cantarella nowhere says anything about anybody being "sexually enslaved." What she does say of the Cretan ritual is that the teenagers were taken out into the country "for a period of two months (the period of segregation), during which they conducted relationships specified in minute detail by the law, which laid down their mutual duties. At the end of this period, before returning to the city, the lover presented his beloved with a military kit (the sign of his entry into the adult community)." Ir is worth noting here that Aristotle tells us the Cretan government promoted homosexuality as a means of population control (Politics II.vii.5). *** {end comment 17-3} ***{Below is Page: 18 }*** spired by the Greek myth of Ganymede. Historian Jason Berry sheds some light on this apparent derivation: Certain gods practiced man-boy love as did the bi- sexual male aristocracy; the armies of Thebes and Sparta were charged with homosexuality as a fire of the male power drive. Pagans in the late [Ro- man] Empire adulated gods like Zeus, who ab- ducted and raped Ganymede -- a living myth that one philosopher denounced for influencing those men who ran "marketplaces of immorality and... infamous resorts for the young for every kind of corrupt pleasure" (Berry:2OOf). *** {start comment 18-1} It is absolutely hilarious to call Jason Berry an "historian." The bibliography of The Pink Swastika lists Berry's book as Lead Us Not Into Temptation: Catholic Priests and the Sexual Abuse of Children. That hardly sounds like a "history" book. *** {end comment 18-1} It is possible that the term "gay" is derived from this mythical Greek figure, Ganymede, cup-bearer of the gods, who exempli- fied the concept of man/boy sex to the masculine homosexuals. The familiar British term "catamite," meaning the submissive part- ner in a male homosexual relationship, is derived from the Roman version of Ganymede, Catamitus. The terms "gay" and "lesbian" (the latter derived from the name of the Isle of Lesbos in Greece) eventually replaced the terms Urning and Dailing as the names of choice for homosexuals. In ancient Greece, as in the masculine homosexual faction in Germany, only the masculine form of homosexuality was esteemed and all things feminine were despised. The form of homosexual- ity which dominated Greek culture was ultramasculine and mili- taristic. It can be assumed that women, as well as men who iden- tified with womanly traits and thinking, were considered naturally inferior to the elite pederasts. Cantarella writes that Plato, in Timaues {sic}, went so far as to theorize that women were the reincar- nations of men who had "lived badly" in a previous life (Cantarella: 58). As we will see, the revival of Hellenic paganism became a fundamental aspect of the Nazi identity. In Nationalism and Sexu- ality, historian George L. Mosse notes its significance: "The Greek ***{Below is Page: 19 }*** youth, an important national symbol in the past, reigned supreme during the Third Reich. Hitler's own taste was influenced by the neo-classical revival...[which often included] pictures of nude youth... not unlike those of boys bathing" (Mosse: 172). But the Nazis adopted more than just symbolism from the "boy-lovers" who reasserted the Greek ideal; their ideas and philosophies are indelibly stamped on the Nazi regime. Adolf Brand and the Community of the Special One of the earliest leaders of the masculine homosexual counter-movement in Germany was Adolf Brand. in 1896, one year before Magnus Hirschfeld formed the Scientific-Humanitar- ian Committee, young Adolf Brand began publishing the world's first homosexual serial publication; Der Eigene ("The Special"). [The word Eigene, eye'-gen-eh, can be roughly translated "queer" which may shed some light on the derivation of this term in English. but we have chosen the translation used most often by historians because it emphasizes the elitist philosophy of Der Eigene's authors. Besides being militantly pro-homosexual, Der Eigene was racist, nationalistic and anti-Semitic. Mosse writes, The use of racism to gain respectability was con- stant theme of the first homosexual journal in Ger- many, Der Eigene... Even before the paper pub- lished a supplement called Rasse und schonheit {sic} (Race and Beauty) in 1926, Germanic themes had informed much of its fiction, as well as images of naked boys and young men photographed against a background of Germanic nature. One poem, written by Brand himself and entitled, "The Su- perman," praised manliness, condemned feminin- ity, and toyed with anti-Semitism, apparently be- cause of the poet's quarrel with Magnus Hirschfeld, a rival for leadership of the homosexual rights movement (Mosse:42). ***{Below is Page: 20 }*** Brand's stated market for Der Eigene were men who "thirst for a revival of Greek times and Hellenic standards of beauty after centuries of Christian barbarism" (Brand in Oosterhuis and Kennedy:3). In 1903 Brand was briefly jailed as a child pornog- rapher for publishing pictures of nude boys in the magazine, but nevertheless Der Eigene remained in publication until 1931, peak- ing at over 150,000 subscriptions during the years of the Weimar Republic [1919-1933] (Mosse :42). In addition to Der Eigene, Brand published a satirical journal Die Tante ("The Fairy" or "The Auntie") which often ridiculed Hirschfeld and his assistants (Oosterhuis and Kennedy: 6). On May 1, 1902, Brand and two pederasts, Wilhelm Jansen and Benedict Friedlander, formed the Gemeinschaft der Eigenen ("Community of the Special'). Its leading theorist was Friedlander (1866-1908), author of Renaissance des Eros Uranios ("Renais- sance of Uranian Erotica"), a 1904 publication which featured a picture of a Greek youth on the cover. Friedlander wrote that the Community wanted to carry out the goals of the lesbian and radi- cal feminist Dr. Helene Stocker (1809-1943) {sic !!} who wanted Ger- man society to revert to pagan values. Friedlander writes; The positive goal... is the revival of Hellenic chiv- alry and its recognition by society. By chivalric love we mean in particular close friendships be- tween youths and even more particularly the bonds between men of unequal ages (B. Friedlander:259). According to James Steakley in The Homosexual Emancipation Movement in Germany, The Community looked to ancient Greece and Renaissance Italy as model civilizations and argued that Christian asceticism was responsible for the demise of homosexual relations. Friedlander, who was married, advocated pedophile relations com- bined with family life, and Brand contrasted his ***{Below is Page: 21 }*** journal with Hirschfeld's Jahrbuch by saying he wanted to show "more of the Hellenic side of things" (Steakley:43). Steakley goes on to show how the Community supported the work of Elisar von Kupffer {sic}, a "Butch" homosexual and an advo- cate of "Greek love," who strongly attacked the Scientific-Hu- manitarian Committee as "pseudo-scientific" (Steakley :46). In Homosexuality and Male Bonding in Pre-Nazi Germany, Oosterhuis and Kennedy write that "Kuppfer {sic} stated in a letter of 25 December 1925 to Brand that the word "homosexual" was repugnant to him, because it reminded him of the "fairies" in Hirschfeld's Committee, and he requested Brand never to men- tion his name in such a context" (Oosterhuis and Kennedy:34). Friedlander described heterosexuals and effeminate homosexu- als as Kummerlings ("puny beings"). The Ulrichs-Hirschfeld school believed that both homosexuality and heterosexuality were equal and legitimate forms of sexual love. However, the Brand- Friedlander school believed that eros ("sexual love") had a rising scale of worth, with heterosexuality at the bottom and pederasty at the top. Steakley writes, "For the Community, however, het- erosexual relations were relegated to purely procreative ends and the esthetic superiority of pedophile relations was asserted" (Steakley:46). In other words, heterosexuals were valued only as "breeders." Friedlander also quoted from Gustov {sic} Jager who ar- gued that, in contrast to the "Femmes," masculine homosexuals were Uebermanner ("supermen"), superior to heterosexuals be- cause they were even more masculine (Oosterhuis and Kennedy:87). Some of the pederasts of the Community of the Special did not consider themselves homosexuals at all, declaring the "love of friends" and homosexuality two different phenom- ena" (ibid.: 86). Friedlander for a time was a member of both the Community of the Special and the SHC. A review of his articles written for the SHC reveal {sic} that he endeavored to convince the members of the group that they were not going far enough: the SHC simply ***{Below is Page: 22 }*** wanted the "right to privacy," but the Community of the Special wanted a complete transformation of Germany from a Judeo-Chris- tian society to a Greco-Uranian one. But the leadership of the SHC was never convinced. The two philosophies were just too different. In 1906 Friedlander left the SHC and, hoping to discredit Hirschfeld, strongly hinted that Hirschfeld and other leaders of the SHC had mismanaged the Committee's funds. But this was not the real reason for his departure. Steakley writes, The membership of the Community realized that the Committee's petition, which called for the le- galization of same-sex relations only between those over the age of sixteen, neglected their interests. They were also affronted by Hirschfeld's personal effeminacy and his sweeping classification of all homosexuals in one category [as "Femmes"] (Steakley:47f.). After his falling-out with Hirschfeld and the leaders of the SHC, Friedlander continued to try to sway its members regarding pederasty as well as to attract its financial supporters to the Com- munity of the Special. In 1907, Friedlander published an article in Der Eigene with a long but revealing title: "Memoirs for the Friends and Contributors of the Scientific-Humanitarian Committee in the Name of the Succession of the Scientific-Humanitarian Commit- tee." In the article, Friedlander said that the Greek "love of youth" (pederasty) was the cause of Paragraph 175. He said that the law was not enacted because of men, but rather because of their jeal- ous wives and mistresses who viewed young boys "as a kind of unfair competition" (Journal of Homosexuality, Jan-Feb 1991). In the same article Friedlander writes, Let us just understand that no one can be a good educator who does not love his pupils! And let us not lie to ourselves that in love the so-called "spiri- ***{Below is Page: 23 }*** tual" element can ever be completely detached from its physiological foundation. It is an eternal ver- ity: only a good pederast can be a complete peda- gogue (Friedlander In Oosterhuis and Kennedy:77ff.). Benedict Friedlander died in 1908 at the age of 42, but his influence on the German homosexual movement endured. In 1934, just one year after Adolf Hitler came to power, a man named Kurt Hildebrandt echoed Friedlander's views in a book titled Norm Entartung Verfall ("Ideal - Degeneration - Ruin"). In 1934 Hildebrandt was a leader in the Society for Human Rights (SHR), a spinoff of the Community of the Special. He referred to Friedlander as his "master" and asserted that Greek pederasty had led to "an enhancement of masculinity" (Steakley:49). In Norm Entartung Verfall, Hildebrandt presents the Brand-Friedlander theory that masculine homosexuals are the ideal; a master race of beings, and that effeminate homosexuals are, in fact, degenera- tions of the ideal. Hildebrandt declares that the masculine type is the one that "Nature" intended to rule the world, but that the effeminate types were freaks of nature who would bring any Hel- lenic society to destruction. Hildebrandt writes, It is incomprehensible that these forms should be confused with that type of homosexuality about which such a ruckus is made today. The latter arises contrarily in groups of effeminate men; it counteracts military and intellectual manliness...and is certain of ruin (Hildebrandt:207). In many ways it is Friedlander's theory of homosexuality that we see implemented in the policies of the Nazis. Although there were obvious exceptions made for political reasons, there is E.I.- dense to suggest that only the effeminate homosexuals were mis- treated under the Nazi regime -- and usually at the hands of mas- culine homosexuals. Some historians, such as James Steakley, ***{Below is Page: 24 }*** see Friedlander's influence in Adolf Hitler's own philosophy of homosexuality as well. Steakley writes, Hitler, on the other hand, was the Nazi visionary... and there is a truly striking affinity be- tween his views on homosexuality and those of Friedlander and [Hans] Bluher. These male su- premacists wanted to create a new Hellas peopled by strong, naked, but chaste men, inspired by hero- ism and capable of leadership (Steakley: 119). *** {start comment 24-1} This is a rather remarkable quote: "strong, naked, but chaste men." (Emphasis added.) If Friedlander, Blueher, and Hitler believed in chastity, it rather demolishes the argument of the author of The Pink Swastika that there are here somehow occult roots of the alleged homosexual founders of the Nazi Party who held wild sex orgies, as the author alleges elsewhere. For Blueher's sexuality, see comment 29-1, below. *** {end comment 24-1} The Rift Widens It is clear that Adolf Brand's Community of the Special wanted nothing to do with Ulrichs' theory of anima muliebris in corpore virili inclusa ("a female soul confined in a male body"). They perceived themselves as fully masculine and despised everything female and effeminate. For many years, Ulrichs' "Femme" fac- tion had dominated the German homosexual movement. But dur- ing this time, the rift between the "Butches" and the "Femmes" grew increasingly wider as the revival of Hellenic pagan values began to transform German society. As early as 1908, Hirschfeld wrote that the scandals and divi- sion of opinion between the "Butches" and "Femmes" was dam- aging the homosexual cause in Germany. He criticized the Com- munity of the Special for being anti-feminist. In 1914, reflecting the increase of tensions, Hirschfeld characterized the Community of the Special as "exaggerated side-currents" and "fanatics" (Oosterhuis and Kennedy:24f). At this point Hirschfeld still con- trolled the movement, but somewhere between 1914 and 1920 the "Butches" became a serious political force themselves. In 1920, they formed the Society for Human Rights. The title seems to lay claim to what had become the Scientific-Humanitarian Committee's trademark: political activism under the banner of"gay ***{Below is Page: 25 }*** rights." Two years later the new SHR published the following, now militant, call to arms: We no longer want only a few scientists [i.e., Hirschfeld et al.] struggling for our cause, we want to demonstrate our strength ourselves. Here we stand, demanding that which is our right -- and who would dare challenge us? For this reason we must work steadily and everyone must take their part in our work. No homosexual should be ab- sent -- rich or poor, worker or scholar, diplomat or businessman. We cannot deprive ourselves of any support. Therefore join us, swell our ranks before it is too late. At Easter we must show whether we have developed into a Fighting organi- zation or just a social club. He who does not march with us is against us (Steakley:76f.). Here we can see the militaristic tone of the "Butch" faction and sense its eagerness to wrest control of the movement from the SHC. Jonathan Katz records, in Gay American History, that "[the SHR became] the largest of the Gay groups in Germany during the 1920's, one that aimed at being a 'mass' organization, and it criticized Hirschfeld's scientific {sic -- the actual word in Katz is "scientistic"} approach" (J. Katz:632) Bear in mind that these were also the early years of the Nazi Party, an organization which shared some founding members with the SHR. Increasingly, the Nazi Party became the vehicle with which the "Butches" opposed Hirschfeld. In July of 1927, after a Nazi Party member made a speech attacking the SHC, Hirschfeld wrote in the SHC newsletter, "We further feel obliged to urgently re- quest of our numerous members in the National Socialist German Workers Party...that they vigorously call their delegates [to the Reichstag] to order" (Steakley:91 ). The rather desperate tone of Hirschfeld's complaint reflects the reality that his faction had by thiS time lost control. To some extent, the homosexuals of the SHC may have brought ***{Below is Page: 26 }*** on themselves the later wrath of the Nazis. In the 1920's the political enemies of the Nazis used their homosexuality against them with consistent success, preventing the party from gaining legitimacy. Stories were printed in the newspapers containing "inside" information about homosexual activities among the Nazi leaders. The most noteworthy example of this tactic was in 1925 when documentation of Ernst Roehm's proclivity for young boys, in the form of hand written letters from Roehm himself, was leaked to the Social Democrat newspapers. The Nazis fared badly in the next election and Roehm soon moved to Bolivia where he would stay until Hitler called him back in 1929 (Plant :60). Upon his return the press attacks were repeated with similar success (Oosterhuis and Kennedy:239n.). *** {start comment 26-1} This is another example of gross distortion of what the cited source says. Plant doesn't say anything about Roehm's "proclivity for young boys." On the contrary, Plant says that the affair involved letters being used to blackmail Roehm by a Berlin prostitute. Plant says the letters were published in 1932, not 1925, and that Roehm resigned because of a quarrel with Hitler before the incident: "In 1925, however, they quarreled -- though not over Roehm's sexual preferences -- and Roehm resigned from the SA. Roehm soon found himself embroiled in an embarrassing lawsuit against Hermann Siegesmund, a Berlin hustler, who had somehow gotten hold of several incriminating letters. In the end, the suit was dismissed, but the damaging letters were to haunt him for the rest of his life. In 1932 the letters were leaked to the press and proved to be a boon to his enemies within the Nazi Party." *** {end comment 26-1} The Social Democrat Party, of course, was the home of many of the effeminate homosexuals, which the Nazis well knew. It is likely that they suspected some of the "inside" information against them had come from Hirschfeld's camp. This was probably an accurate surmise. Steakley writes that "Hirschfeld was later sorely discredited within the homosexual Community of Germany when it was revealed that he at least occasionally leaked' information on homosexuals to the press" (Steakley:64). This may help to explain why the Nazis bore such enmity against the "Femmes," and why they targeted certain of these homosexuals for persecution. However, the Nazis needed no spe- cial justification for revenge. Just the fact that the SHC had made opposition to pederasty an essential tenet of their political strat- egy was enough. Though not a Nazi, the "Butch" homosexual poet, Stefan George, summed up the attitude of the anti-Hirschfeld camp, saying, "It should be apparent that we have nothing to do with those far from charming people who whimper for the repeal of certain laws, for the most revolting attacks against us [pederasts] have issued from precisely these circles" (George in Steakley:49). As we can see, understanding the "gay rights" movement in Germany is essential to a complete understanding of the forma- tion of the Nazi Party and the policies of the Third Reich. In turn, understanding the German "gay rights" movement requires an ***{Below is Page: 27 }*** appreciation of the rivalry between the two distinct homosexual factions: the Ulrichs/Hirschfeld "Femmes" and the Brand/ Friedlander/Roehm "Butches." Their contest for domination of the "gay rights" movement ended when the "Butches" of the Nazi Party came to power in 1933 and began to construct the Third Reich. They had realized their dream of a revived Hellenic cul- ture of ultramasculine militarism, a dream that was to prove a nightmare for all those who fell short of the Nazi ideal. The Wandervogel "In Germany," writes Mosse, "ideas of homosexuality as the basis of a better society can be found at the turn of the century within the German Youth Movement" (Mosse:87). Indeed, at the same time that Brand and Friedlander were beginning to articu- late their dream of a neo-Hellenic Germany to the masses, a youth- ful subculture of boys and young men was already beginning to act out its basic themes under the leadership of men like Karl Fischer and Wilhelm Jansen. In Sexual Experience Between Men and Boys homosexualist historian Parker Rossman writes, In Central Europe... there was another effort to revive the Greek ideal of pedagogic pederasty, in the movement of "Wandering Youth" [Wandervogel}. Modern gay-homosexuality also can trace some of its roots to that movement of men and boys who wandered around the country- side, hiking and singing hand-in-hand, enjoying nature, life together, and their sexuality. Ultimately Hitler used and transformed the movement -- much as the Romans had abused the paiderastia of the ancient Greeks -- expanding and building upon its romanticism as a basis for the Nazi Party (Rossman: 103). ***{Below is Page: 28 }*** Another homosexualist, Richard Mills, explains in Gay Roots: Twenty Years of Gay Sunshine how the Wandervogel movement traces its roots to an informal hiking and camping society of young men started in 1890 by a fifteen-year-old student named Hermann Hoffman. For several years the open-air lifestyle of these boys grew increasingly popular. They developed their own form of greeting, the Sieg Heil salute, and "much of the vocabulary... [which] was later appropriated by the Nazis" (Mills: 168). Early in its development, the movement attracted the attention of homosexual men, including the pederasts who belonged to the Community of the Special. In 1901 a homo- sexual teacher by the name of Karl Fischer (who, as we have men- tioned, called himself "der Fuehrer") formalized the movement under the name Wandervogel (Koch:29, Mills: 153). Hans Blueher, then just seventeen years old, organized the most ambitious Wandervogel excursion to that date in 1905. It was on this trip that Blueher met Wilhelm Jansen, one of the original founders of the Community of the Special. At this time the Wandervogel num- bered fewer than one hundred young men, but eventually the num- ber of youths involved in Wandervoge1-type groups in Europe reached 60,000. *** {start comment 28-1} The reference from page 168 of Mills has been falsified. Mills says the greeting of the early Wandervogel was "Heil," not "Sieg Heil," and he says nothing about the Nazis taking their greeting from the youth group. "Heil" is a greeting common in old German folk culture. It can be heard frequently in Wagnerian operas, for example. Quite likely that's where the Wandervogel found it. Page 153 of the Mills article doesn't speak of the things stated above other than to say of the leaders, "These men were homosexually inclined, even when they were not aware of it. However, the use of the word 'homosexual' in this context is misleading, because it incorrectly emphasizes the genital component of their personalities. For these men, the act of sex was not of primary importance. Therefore, it is more accurate to refer to them as 'inverts.' Their desires and interests are identical to those of heterosexuals, and differ solely in the choice of objects.". Koch speaks of Fischer on pages 25 and 26, not 29. He says absolutely nothing about Fischer being a homosexual.The movement was founded by Herman Hoffmann, who for a time was an associate of Fischer's. Koch says "it is really