Queer-e Vol. 1. no. 1 ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- 5. William Rodgers The Radical Faerie Movement: An Introduction to a Queer Spirit Pathway Faeries are a pale and motley race that flowers in the minds of decent folk. Never will they be entitled to broad daylight, to real sun. But remote in these limbos, they cause curious disasters which are the harbingers of new beauty. Jean Genet. As a new religious movement, the Radical Faeries have been the source of major change in attitudes within the Pagan community (Adler 1986:341), but as yet, have received little documentation in academia. One reason for this lack of documentation relates to the reclusive nature of the Radical Faeries themselves. They have concentrated on promoting pagan gatherings and lifestyles which, although not totally exclusivist or separatist in nature, are rebelliously defiant of assimilation into the mainstream (whether that mainstream be Neo-Paganism in particular, or the gay male community in general). Another reason is undoubtably centred on the fact that until relatively recently, the mainstream academic community has not been accepting or supportive of research conducted in the field of Queer Studies. Anthropologist Kenneth Read (1984:215-217) points out that there is a vast gap in our ethnographic knowledge relating to queer beliefs and practices, and that the extant research often shows a strong negative bias. The need for studies dealing with the relationship between sexuality, gender and religion is strong. Until relatively recently, academic works on the subject have been sparse and somewhat conservative. Indeed the most well known of these researchers, Geoffrey Parrinder, in his original groundbreaking study _Sex in the World's Religions_, introduces the subject by defining sex solely in terms of heterosexuality, and treating other expressions of sexuality as non-mainstream side issues of little import (Parrinder 1980:1-3). With the rise of movements such as women's liberation, feminism, and queer consciousness groups, much more attention has been focussed on non- patriarchally defined studies of sexuality and religion (Clarke 1984; Evans 1978, 1988; Foucault 1978; Hurcombe 1987; Nelson 1983; Starhawk 1982; Thompson 1987d; Weeks 1981). These researchers have concentrated on previously marginalised groups - often groups which have been defined by mainstream society as 'other'. This paper represents a step towards trying to reverse this situation. As an openly gay researcher, and a member of the Radical Faerie movement, I have gathered together textual data that, by and large, the Faeries have written about themselves. This constitutes in part, a beginning for the "re-membering" of a discussion of queer sexuality and religious pathways which in the past have been actively erased by academics engaged in the writing of "his-story". FAERIE ROOTS AND _RFD_ Although the term Radical Faerie is to be found in print for the first time in the summer 1979 edition of the magazine _RFD_, the movement toward the formation of a group seeking a locus for a distinctly gay spirituality can be seen to have been building for several years. The culmination of this seeking was a short article in _RFD_ #20, entitled - "A Call to Gay Brothers". In this first notice of a conference for Radical Faeries, Harry Hay and Don Kilhefner (1979:20) articulated this newly wakened search for gay enspiritment: "It's in the air. Heard everywhere. At the World Symposium on Humanity, the talk is about 'New Age Politics' - beyond Left and Right - a synthesis of the political and spiritual movements of the past two decades... Does all of this political/spiritual ferment have any relevance to gay men? Is there a gay vision of New Age society? Is a "paradigm shift" also manifesting itself? The answer to all these questions is: YES!" This search for an alternative spirituality based on a unique gay consciousness is best documented by the magazine _RFD_ - a magazine aimed at country faggots. For it was in rural environments that gay men were gathering, forming collectives, and exploring their connection with the earth. These early explorations of gay spirituality documented by _RFD_ had no single focus - they were eclectic examinations of paths such as Christianity (Chenille Crow 1977; Treelove 1975), Buddhism (Englebert 1977), New Age esotericism (Wittman 1975a), and especially Neo- Paganism (Caradoc 1977; Circle of Loving Companions 1975; Hermsen 1977; Wittman 1975b) from a gay perspective. Faeries, as such, had not yet come into existence. The synthesis of these ideas of gay spirit and political ferment began in earnest in 1976. Several people simultaneously put forth their own ideas in manifesto form which proved to be oddly synchronous. Arthur Evans was conducting research into the relationship between pagan traditions, gay lifestyles and radical politics and had started a "faery circle" of gay men in San Francisco (Timmons 1990:252). Harry Hay at the same time conceived of a fundamental concept of gay spirituality called "relating subject to subject" - the basis for the Radical Faerie principle titled "subject-SUBJECT consciousness". Mitch Walker, a psychologist in the neo-Jungian tradition had contact with both Hay and Evans, and was working on the same ideas of gay enspiritment: "I work with the spirit and I'm a gay spirit worker and I'm a gay shaman and that's what I do." (Walker in Timmons 1990:259). It was to be the publication of "A Call to Gay Brothers: A Spiritual Conference for Radical Faeries" in issue number 20 of _RFD_ which consolidated these different threads into a recognisable pattern - the resultant fabric could be given the name of Radical Faeries. The conference was held on the labour day weekend of 1979 (August 31- September 2) at Desert Sanctuary - a gay-friendly retreat in the middle of the Arizona desert. Nearly 200 people made their way from all over the United States to gather at Desert Sanctuary and responded to the vision for the conference put forward by Hay and Kilhefner (1979:20). The agendas suggested by the four main organisers - Harry Hay, John Burnside, Don Kilhefner and Mitch Walker, focussed on a combination of politics and spirituality - within the overriding context of gay perceptions and experiences. Already the pagan was being linked to the political. The Winter Solstice 1979 issue of _RFD_, which was produced following the gathering at Arizona, documents the beginning of the Radical Faerie movement - most of the articles in the issue reporting on the activities at, and outcomes of, the conference. Reports were unanimously affirmative in nature, and although diverse in content, each writer managed to convey the same sense of awe at the nature of the identity which they were forming around themselves - a recapturing of something that had been lost for a long time. DEFINITIONS OF FAERIES So what is a Radical Faerie? An etymological examination of both the word "radical" and the word "faerie" can give an introductory understanding to the identity which arises when the two terms are juxtaposed. The word "radical" has two main meanings - firstly, something which is fundamental, or at the root level; and secondly, something or someone politically extreme. "Faerie" also can be seen to have a double-barrelled meaning - a near universal and powerful mythological figure; and a derogatory name applied to gay men by heterosexuals. Harry Hay first suggested the conjunction of these two terms to describe the incipient movement of gay spirituality: "By combining these meanings, the Radical Faeries expressed one of their basic tenets, the oft-bandied notion that gays are a spiritual tribe." Timmons (1990:250-251). In describing themselves, some definitions of Faeries concentrate on the common elements that bind together to form a common gay spirit (Roscoe 1983), others are distinctly functionalist - narrow and focussed on certain roles they think a faerie should fulfil (Floating Eagle Feather 1981; Huie 1981). Despite this diversity of opinion, one element which has been suggested time after time as a defining characteristic of Radical Faeries is the sense of individual identity that the term engenders. The experience of that identity upon becoming a Faerie is likened to remembering something which had always been known, but somehow forgotten or repressed: "I was about four or five or six. There were names I'd get called: 'sissy', for playing with dolls, 'queer', 'faggot'...but I also got called 'faerie'. But all the other names were real put downs, even if I didn't know what they meant. But I knew what faeries were...and I liked that, and so I think I knew all through my childhood that I was a Faerie. And it wasn't until I heard the name 'Radical Faerie' that something clicked and it's like: 'Oh yeah, yeah, that's what I am...'." Anonymous in Roques (1992). Recently, as Faerie Gatherings have increased in popularity bringing a larger cross-section of the gay community into contact with the movement, there has been much questioning whether faerie identity is becoming impossible to define because of both its complexity and diffuse nature. Indeed, there is much heated debate in the pages of the latest editions of _RFD_ concerning the question "who defines what a Faerie is?" There are suggestions by some members of the Radical Faerie movement that bisexuals are compromising the "third gender vision" and should be excluded from the movement, and they that their public image will becomes one where they are considered just a powerless heterosexual variation, not a powerful queer minority (Hay 1993:12; Starfire 1993:13). As identity is central to the Radical Faerie movement, this dissension may be the first indication of separatism or schism occuring within the movement. CORE PRINCIPLES Two core concepts are central to an understanding of the Radical Faerie approach to spirituality - the principle of Androgyny, and the idea of subject-SUBJECT consciousness. Both of these values can be seen to be rooted in the fundamental concept of Otherness. Otherness, far from being denied or diminished, is made central to the Radical Faerie identity. This is a positive, self-constructed Otherness, however, which allows queer people to construct, or reconstruct, models of reality which are useful to themselves, and which emphasises the nature of the Other as being good, functional and necessary. The concept of Androgyny has been taken on by the Faeries and given a distinctly spiritual bent. Rather than referring to an asexual or omni-sexual state, Androgyny for the Faeries means radically juxtaposing elements of the masculine and feminine in psychological as well as physical formulations. The relationship of the archetype of the Androgyne to figures in myth and history has become a spiritual imperative for many Radical Faeries seeking a tradition to reclaim: "The role of the fool, the trickster, the contrary one capable of turning a situation inside out, is one of the most enduring of all archetypes. Often cross dressed or adorned with both masculine and feminine symbols, these merry pranksters chase through history, holding up a looking glass to human folly." Thompson (1987:52). One source for the archetype of the Androgyne in relation to gay spirituality can be located in the two-spirit ("berdache") tradition of North America. However, unless the individual seeking such a symbol for religious inspiration is a Native American, the two-spirit shaman as a symbol of Androgyny is somewhat remote. A figure whose symbolism hits closer to home for most gay men is, ironically enough, to be found in the nightclub. The Drag Queen, the image of the glamorous cross-dressing male who emerged from the 1970's 'gender-fuck' generation, represents a modern embodiment of the Androgyne figure for the Faeries - a figure firmly grounded in the realm of gender politics. The politics of drag as a force for social change is evident - drag has been the site of activism in part because it is activism in sight (Garber 1992:159). By publicly confronting gay men, as well as society at large with the image of the Androgyne, drag queens take on the mantle of modern shamans - walkers between the worlds. Although the shamans from primal cultures mediate between the physical and the spiritual realms, and drag queens can be seen to mediate between the physical and political worlds, there is often a sense of spiritual divinity associated with the latter. It is the manner in which drag queens bridge genders which suggests communion with other-worldly, fantastic, spiritual realms. The use of copious amounts of glitter and bold brassy colours coupled with a "royal" sensibility led drag queens to be considered divine, and called angels of light, and children of paradise (Thompson 1987:57). Judy Grahn (1984:44) in a chapter titled ("Shamanism Is a Romantic Idea Until You Really Do It") comments on this radical fusion of political and spiritual elements by drag queens in their representation of the archetype of the androgyne: "In our society, as in any, the 'shamanic' office is a charged, potent, awe-inspiring and even fear-inspiring person who takes true risks by crossing over into other worlds. A drag queen of the 1960s screaming through downtown Manhattan and risking being blown away by a shotgun full of anti-faggot rage was performing a loaded, shamanic act. He was leading men into the dangerous world of women; he was crossing the abyss between the sexes." The Radical Faerie movement brings the political and spiritual impetus of the androgynous drag queen and the twin-spirit shaman into the nineties. They recognise that the power that the archetype of the Androgyne holds for the articulation of queer spirituality relates to the challenge of accepted models of behaviour ingrained in mainstream society: "One of the powerful aspects of doing drag is that it jolts people out of the mindset of 'this is how people are supposed to be.' We as Radical Faeries have a lot to offer our society by jolting them in just that way." Anonymous in Roques (1992). Doing drag is also seen by Radical Faeries as a means of personal transformation - a technique of liberating hidden parts of the self that, by being hidden, are blocks to spiritual wisdom (Polyandron 1985:26). The use of the archetype of the Androgyne as a source of transformational imagery is perhaps seen the clearest in the work of Mitch Walker - a Radical Faerie working within the neo-Jungian tradition. For Walker (1987:220), the Androgyne is a symbol of wholeness which is healing, not just for gay men, but for humanity in general. This is a gift, most readily accessible by gay men, which in the long run, is of benefit to all of society. Writers such as Hay (1987: 285-291), Walker (1987: 222-225), and Burnside (1989: 15-20), propose that the concept of subject-SUBJECT consciousness is another fundamental defining principle of Otherness for gay people. It has its basis in the notion that gay people experience and relate to the world in a fundamentally unique way. Hay proposes that subject-SUBJECT consciousness is: "inherent to all gay people, arising from the egalitarian bond of love and sex between two similars...(and) pervade(s) all the relationships of a gay person - even the relationships with things not human, such as nature, craftsmanship, or ideals. 'Humanity must expand its experience of thinking of another not as object - to be used, to be manipulated, to be mastered, to be CONSUMED - but as subject - as another like him/her self, another self to be respected, to be appreciated, to be cherished'." Timmons (1990:255). Therefore for Hay, the fundamental difference in nature between heterosexual relationships and queer relationships becomes the basis for subject-SUBJECT consciousness. The experience inherent in the formation of relationships with people of the same sex, from an early age, causes queer people to experience the object of their desire, not as an object, but as a subject. Queer love is the love of similars, not of complementary opposites as in heterosexuality: "I suppose I was about eleven when I began first thinking about - and then fantasizing about -HIM! And, of course, I perceived him as subject. ..I knew that all the other kids around me thought of girls as sex-OBJECTS...But HE whom I would love would be another ME." Hay (1987:198). This is not to say that subject-SUBJECT perception is an exclusively queer experience, only that it is easier for queers to experience, recognise, and implement it, because of their sexuality. As a result of realising the existence of a subject-SUBJECT mode of perception and effecting it in everyday life, it is proposed that it will spread through the whole of society, once others are made aware of its benefit (Burnside 1989:19,26). Subject-SUBJECT consciousness, therefore, as a queer way of perceiving the world, is a force that has built into it a positive self-definition of Other. Queer people are Other because they perceive the world in an essentially unique way - a way which is integral to the well-being of themselves as individuals, and that of the world as a whole. When the individual (as the microcosm), and the world (as the macrocosm), is perceived as a subject, then all the problems of exploitative "objectification" disappear and a utopian vision of everyone open to everyone in perfect trust appears (Burnside 1989:25). The Radical Faerie experience of spirituality, then, is intimately tied up with this subject-SUBJECT perception of the world. As shamans, pagans, and practitioners of Wiccan and Goddess traditions, reverence for the earth is a fundamental principle. As the earth is perceived as a part of each and every individual, the divine essence which is expressed as the Mother, Gaia, or the Goddess is imbued in each individual. Only through respect for, and healing of the earth can a sustainable future be envisaged. This is very much a queer expression of the concept of immanence as expressed by many Neo- Pagans (Goodison 1990:245; Starhawk 1987:16-17). BELIEFS AND PRACTICES The Radical Faeries are a totally non-dogmatic movement. As can be seen from the above, the only belief structures which all Faeries generally agree upon is the fact that Faerie consciousness constitutes a unique "window on the world", a singular gay approach to spirituality. There is no creed which says: "You must be this, and do that this way." It is possible to ascribe to a plurality of beliefs and practices, and still account oneself a Radical Faerie. Indeed, this situation is more often the rule than the exception: "In real life there are no purists. For example, I am both a radical fairy and a Wiccan, and a shamanic student and more things than I could possibly list. Concepts are useful only so long as they do not become straightjackets." Laughing Otter (1987:38). Although there are no beliefs and practices which all Radical Faeries must adhere to, there are some spiritual beliefs which large numbers of Faeries do feel comfortable with. These beliefs can be divided into two main types - those drawing on existing traditions and those which are self-constructed. Beliefs drawn from existing religious systems include many forms which would come under the banner of mainstream Wicca and Neo- Paganism. One of the most widespread practices is the worship of the Goddess, and/or the God in their many aspects. Although the veneration of the Goddess is often expressed in terms compatible with mainstream Wicca, as Queen of Heaven, Earth Mother or Virgin Huntress, the worship of the God has undergone a peculiarly queer transformation. Many Faeries identify strongly with the figure of the Horned God, which is perplexing, considering that he is seen in mainstream Wicca as the consort of the Goddess - the wild untamed masculine force which is complementary to the feminine principle (Starhawk 1979:94-95). Thus in mainstream Wicca, the Horned God is a heterosexual god. What then, is the attraction of this deity for gay male pagans? The Horned God that the Radical Faeries venerate is claimed to be a deity-type common to many pagan cultures, from Greece (Dionysus), through Celtic Britain (Cernunnos) to India (Shiva). In reclaiming this form of the Horned God as a deity, the Faeries have been heavily influenced by the researches of Arthur Evans. Evans, a Faerie who was the first to suggest a link between witchcraft, the veneration of a Horned god, and the celebration of ecstatic homosexual rites (Evans 1978:18-25, 1988:138-144) provides convincing documentary evidence for the existence of this pagan tradition and cites numerous authors from antiquity reporting of its practice. For the Radical Faeries, then, the appeal of the Horned God from this "Dionysian" tradition, is the coupling of queer sexual practice with ecstatic ritual, both of which are perceived as having links to queer cultural history: "The essence of the Dionysian tradition is the affirmation of the whole self through ecstatic ritual...emotions, fantasies, and sexual longings are summoned forth and embraced as inherent parts of the self...By appealing to the Great Goddess and the Horned One, the faeries were also grounding themselves in an alternate, but very ancient, spiritual tradition which for thousands of years resisted patriarchal encroachments." Evans (1988:183, 184, 188). Indeed, one of the reasons God and Goddess worship appeals to Faeries is the distinctly feminist orientation it lends to spirituality: "The pagan god is not patriarchal. He is the Self united - the balance of mind and body, spirit and flesh...As gay men grow to greater self appreciation they are free to reject the image of god-the-father and the patriarchy from whence it came. In this spiritual void, many are drawn to goddess worship." Ripich (1989:25). Often the anthropomorphised figures of the Goddess and God are sublimated into the veneration of the sexless/ambisexual nature of the earth itself. Following mainstream feminist Neo-Pagans such as Starhawk (1979, 1982, 1987), the Faeries often choose to celebrate the sacredness of the earth as being both mother and father, thereby resolving the objectification of deity inherent in a dualistic perspective (Earthkin 1989:15). Many beliefs and practices of the Faeries have been self-constructed by members of the movement itself. One of the most striking of these is the celebration of a god for queer men, the Queer God. The Queer God is called by many names - Purple God, Singing Bear, Deep Kisser, He Who Dances. In each of the different aspects the Queer God has a different queer role: "He was all Queer. And he was for Queers alone. He would come only when queer voices called to him. He was Queer for queers. Queer lover, queer brother, queer guide: the Queer God." Rabbit et. al (1988:35). A god solely for queers can be seen as a creation by the Radical Faeries of a symbol which provides spiritual reassurance, companionship, and protection. Faced with the threats to queer life and lifestyle from circumstances such as AIDS, queer-bashing, and the denial of social acceptance, the Queer God becomes protector, companion and confidante of the Faeries. Evans (1988:188) confirms that this process of the creation of deity results from the unique spiritual needs of queers which have not been met by mainstream belief systems: "We create the gods out of our spiritual needs, just as we create an elegant (or grotesque) political ideal out of our political needs. To me, one of the most endearing traits of faery spirituality is its sense of playful inventiveness and its ability to incorporate campy self-satire into its rituals...the essence of faerydom is not any particular god or even the general concept of god, but rather the process of ecstatic growth through self-created ritual." Practices of the Radical Faeries are as diverse as the beliefs which they adhere to. There is no one set, or style of ritual which all Faeries engage in. However, like many other Neo-Pagans, at the Faerie Gatherings, the "circle" is a dominant form of ritual expression. The Circle is an important symbol to Faeries because of its egalitarian and non-hierarchical nature. No one person is more important than another in a circle, and each has an equal opportunity to participate or put across individual viewpoints: "The circle is a perfect shape, having neither beginning nor end. It is more meaningful because it is a shared process...one person cannot make a circle...CIRCLES ARE SACRED to many of us!" Long (1984:13-14). The Faerie Circle is subtly different to mainstream Wiccan circles. In the latter, the polarity balance between men and women is often important, with men and women arranged alternately around the circle so that masculine and feminine energies are balanced (Adler 1986:347). Understandably, there is no sense of a need to check polarities in an all-male circle. The Faeries see that the principle of androgyny in members counteracts the need for male-female balancing. Indeed, because of the presence of Radical Faeries at mixed pagan gatherings, this attitude of strict gender dualism has shown signs of being challenged and broken down amongst mainstream Wiccans. Adler (1986:347-348) reports that Faeries often play the role of "overturners of convention", and make it possible for new forms of ritual expression to develop, such as the cross-dressing "tea dances" where both straights and gays let down their hair, dressed in costume, put on wigs and makeup, and...simply let loose. ORGANISATION The Radical Faeries live up to their name in organisational terms. As Adler (1986:346) notes, they are often public anarchists, and therefore have a very simple organisational structure, based on egalitarian, non-hierarchical principles. The only regularly organised meeting of any kind is the Faerie Gathering. This is a loosely organised meeting of Faeries to celebrate their individual styles of enspiritment in a collective environment. Structure is kept to a minimum: "throughout the year in different places we have these gatherings - Faerie Gatherings, and there is not much structure to them usually - you just get a group of people together, people who have knowledge or gifts they want to share...nobody is really in charge - there might be people who have taken on different roles like Kitchen Queens who'll keep the food trip together, and other people will facilitate in different ways but nobody's in charge." Anonymous in Roques (1992). There is no evidence that Faeries engage in active recruitment or proselytising of any kind. People find out about the Faeries through word of mouth, reading RFD, or attending a Gathering (Anonymous in Roques 1992). While attending Faerie Gatherings, however, informal conversion experiences can occur: "People can try and make changes in their lives and they can struggle through years and years of therapy and support groups without a lot of progress sometimes. And that same person can have a conversion experience where everything changes in their life almost instantaneously...I think that Faerie Gatherings have that ability - that the group energy and bringing us all together somehow, something gets freed up. Anonymous in Roques (1992). This is very similar to an experience described by Adler (1986:20) as happening frequently to many Neo-Pagans - the informal conversion is likened more to the experience of a homecoming, a re-affirmation or a remembering of an old, forgotten experience. Faerie Gatherings would therefore seem to be the most obvious places where networking of ideas, and contact between groups would occur. The pages of _RFD_, with its quarterly publication of issues, also has offered a valuable space for dialogue on Faerie thought and direction. It is impossible to give numbers belonging to the movement, as no census has been produced on the movement, and they have seen no need to delineate themselves numerically. Currently, there are thirty-two active Faerie groups - twenty-seven in the USA, three in Canada, and two in Germany, as reported in the magazine _RFD_. A survey of reports on Faerie Gatherings between the years 1978 and 1988 in RFD reveal attendance numbers ranging from seventy to in excess four-hundred for any one gathering. In a review of published photographs of Faerie Gatherings, one maypole ritual and one Faerie circle had in excess of 100 people participating in each (Burnside 1989; Thomason 1993:8). This is a large number even for mainstream Neo-Pagan groups. In the summer edition of _RFD_ 1993, there were notices for nine Faerie Gatherings between June and October. Given that several of these gatherings were scheduled for the same weekends, and that the geographical spread of these gatherings was extremely wide, (Maine, Quebec, Tennessee, Kansas, Indiana, Washington, Minnesota, and New York), to support this number of gatherings, either there is a population of Faeries numbering greater than several hundred, or there is a small population of people who do little else than drive long distances and attend Gatherings. However, much more research needs to be done in this area, and a full census conducted before population numbers can be reliably ascertained. Statistical documentation of the members of the Radical Faerie movement in terms of population and distribution of population is the area of future research which is of most importance. Until this has been done, questions relating to growth of the movement, community networking processes, and the impact of the Faeries on mainstream society cannot be answered - especially when they are being considered in relation to the other groups which have grown out of the Neo-Pagan revival, for which much clearer documentation exists. REFERENCES CITED Adler, M. 1986 _Drawing Down the Moon: Witches, Druids, Goddess- Worshippers, and Other Pagans in America Today_. Boston: Beacon Press. Burnside, J. 1989 _Who are the Gay People?: and other essays_. San Francisco: Vortex Media. Caradoc 1977 "Sharing the Mysteries." _RFD_ 12:25-27. Chenille Crow 1977 "The Clarity of St Therese." _RFD_ 12:34. Circle of Loving Companions. 1975 "The Gays -Who Are We? Where Do We Come From? What Are We For?" _RFD_ 5:38-41. Clarke, J.M. 1984 "The Native American Berdache: A Resource for Gay Spirituality." _RFD_ 40:22-30. Earthkin 1989 "Images of Father Earth." _RFD_ 58:14-15. 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